第19章

InAmericatheattempthasneverbeenmade;forhowwouldsuchaninvestigationbepossibleinacountrywheresocietyhasnotyetsettledintohabitsofregularityandtranquillity;wherethenationalGovernmentisnotassistedbyamultipleofagentswhoseexertionsitcancommandanddirecttoonesoleend;andwherestatisticsarenotstudied，becausenooneisabletocollectthenecessarydocuments，ortofindtimetoperusethem？

ThustheprimaryelementsofthecalculationswhichhavebeenmadeinFrancecannotbeobtainedintheUnion;therelativewealthofthetwocountriesisunknown;thepropertyoftheformerisnotaccuratelydetermined，andnomeansexistofcomputingthatofthelatter。

Iconsent，therefore，forthesakeofthediscussion，toabandonthisnecessarytermofthecomparison，andIconfinemyselftoacomputationoftheactualamountoftaxation，withoutinvestigatingtherelationwhichsubsistsbetweenthetaxationandtherevenue。ButthereaderwillperceivethatmytaskhasnotbeenfacilitatedbythelimitswhichIherelaydownformyresearches。

ItcannotbedoubtedthatthecentraladministrationofFrance，assistedbyallthepublicofficerswhoareatitsdisposal，mightdeterminewithexactitudetheamountofthedirectandindirecttaxeslevieduponthecitizens。Butthisinvestigation，whichnoprivateindividualcanundertake，hasnothithertobeencompletedbytheFrenchGovernment，or，atleast，itsresultshavenotbeenmadepublic。WeareacquaintedwiththesumtotalofthechargesoftheState;weknowtheamountofthedepartmentalexpenditure;buttheexpensesofthecommunaldivisionshavenotbeencomputed，andtheamountofthepublicexpensesofFranceisconsequentlyunknown。

IfwenowturntoAmerica，weshallperceivethatthedifficultiesaremultipliedandenhanced。TheUnionpublishesanexactreturnoftheamountofitsexpenditure;thebudgetsofthefourandtwentyStatesfurnishsimilarreturnsoftheirrevenues;

buttheexpensesincidenttotheaffairsofthecountiesandthetownshipsareunknown。*k[Footnotek:TheAmericans，aswehaveseen，havefourseparatebudgets，theUnion，theStates，theCounties，andtheTownshipshavingeachseverallytheirown。DuringmystayinAmericaI

madeeveryendeavortodiscovertheamountofthepublicexpenditureinthetownshipsandcountiesoftheprincipalStatesoftheUnion，andIreadilyobtainedthebudgetofthelargertownships，butIfounditquiteimpossibletoprocurethatofthesmallerones。Ipossess，however，somedocumentsrelatingtocountyexpenses，which，althoughincomplete，arestillcurious。

IhavetothankMr。Richards，MayorofPhiladelphia，forthebudgetsofthirteenofthecountiesofPennsylvania，viz。，Lebanon，Centre，Franklin，Fayette，Montgomery，Luzerne，Dauphin，Butler，Alleghany，Columbia，Northampton，Northumberland，andPhiladelphia，fortheyear1830。Theirpopulationatthattimeconsistedof495，207inhabitants。OnlookingatthemapofPennsylvania，itwillbeseenthatthesethirteencountiesarescatteredineverydirection，andsogenerallyaffectedbythecauseswhichusuallyinfluencetheconditionofacountry，thattheymayeasilybesupposedtofurnishacorrectaverageofthefinancialstateofthecountiesofPennsylvaniaingeneral;andthus，uponreckoningthattheexpensesofthesecountiesamountedintheyear1830toabout$361，650，ornearly75centsforeachinhabitant，andcalculatingthateachofthemcontributedinthesameyearabout$2。55towardstheUnion，andabout75centstotheStateofPennsylvania，itappearsthattheyeachcontributedastheirshareofallthepublicexpenses（exceptthoseofthetownships）thesumof$4。05。Thiscalculationisdoublyincomplete，asitappliesonlytoasingleyearandtoonepartofthepubliccharges;butithasatleastthemeritofnotbeingconjectural。]

TheauthorityoftheFederalgovernmentcannotobligetheprovincialgovernmentstothrowanylightuponthispoint;andevenifthesegovernmentswereinclinedtoaffordtheirsimultaneousco—operation，itmaybedoubtedwhethertheypossessthemeansofprocuringasatisfactoryanswer。

Independentlyofthenaturaldifficultiesofthetask，thepoliticalorganizationofthecountrywouldactasahindrancetothesuccessoftheirefforts。ThecountyandtownmagistratesarenotappointedbytheauthoritiesoftheState，andtheyarenotsubjectedtotheircontrol。Itisthereforeveryallowabletosupposethat，iftheStatewasdesirousofobtainingthereturnswhichwerequire，itsdesignwouldbecounteractedbytheneglectofthosesubordinateofficerswhomitwouldbeobligedtoemploy。*lItis，inpointoffact，uselesstoinquirewhattheAmericansmightdotoforwardthisinquiry，sinceitiscertainthattheyhavehithertodonenothingatall。Theredoesnotexistasingleindividualatthepresentday，inAmericaorinEurope，whocaninformuswhateachcitizenoftheUnionannuallycontributestothepublicchargesofthenation。*m[Footnotel:ThosewhohaveattemptedtodrawacomparisonbetweentheexpensesofFranceandAmericahaveatonceperceivedthatnosuchcomparisoncouldbedrawnbetweenthetotalexpenditureofthetwocountries;buttheyhaveendeavoredtocontrastdetachedportionsofthisexpenditure。Itmayreadilybeshownthatthissecondsystemisnotatalllessdefectivethanthefirst。IfIattempttocomparetheFrenchbudgetwiththebudgetoftheUnion，itmustberememberedthatthelatterembracesmuchfewerobjectsthanthencentralGovernmentoftheformercountry，andthattheexpendituremustconsequentlybemuchsmaller。IfIcontrastthebudgetsoftheDepartmentswiththoseoftheStateswhichconstitutetheUnion，itmustbeobservedthat，asthepowerandcontrolexercisedbytheStatesismuchgreaterthanthatwhichisexercisedbytheDepartments，theirexpenditureisalsomoreconsiderable。Asforthebudgetsofthecounties，nothingofthekindoccursintheFrenchsystemoffinances;anditis，again，doubtfulwhetherthecorrespondingexpensesshouldbereferredtothebudgetoftheStateortothoseofthemunicipaldivisions。Municipalexpensesexistinbothcountries，buttheyarenotalwaysanalogous。InAmericathetownshipsdischargeavarietyofofficeswhicharereservedinFrancetotheDepartmentsortotheState。Itmay，moreover，beaskedwhatistobeunderstoodbythemunicipalexpensesofAmerica。TheorganizationofthemunicipalbodiesortownshipsdiffersintheseveralStates。ArewetobeguidedbywhatoccursinNewEnglandorinGeorgia，inPennsylvaniaorintheStateofIllinois？Akindofanalogymayveryreadilybeperceivedbetweencertainbudgetsinthetwocountries;butastheelementsofwhichtheyarecomposedalwaysdiffermoreorless，nofaircomparisoncanbeinstitutedbetweenthem。[Thesamedifficultyexists，perhapstoagreaterdegreeatthepresenttime，whenthetaxationofAmericahaslargelyincreased。

—1874。]]

[Footnotem:EvenifweknewtheexactpecuniarycontributionsofeveryFrenchandAmericancitizentothecoffersoftheState，weshouldonlycomeataportionofthetruth。Governmentsdonotonlydemandsuppliesofmoney，buttheycallforpersonalservices，whichmaybelookeduponasequivalenttoagivensum。

WhenaStateraisesanarmy，besidesthepayofthetroops，whichisfurnishedbytheentirenation，eachsoldiermustgiveuphistime，thevalueofwhichdependsontheusehemightmakeofitifhewerenotintheservice。Thesameremarkappliestothemilitia;thecitizenwhoisinthemilitiadevotesacertainportionofvaluabletimetothemaintenanceofthepublicpeace，andhedoesinrealitysurrendertotheStatethoseearningswhichheispreventedfromgaining。Manyotherinstancesmightbecitedinadditiontothese。ThegovernmentsofFranceandofAmericabothlevytaxesofthiskind，whichweighuponthecitizens;butwhocanestimatewithaccuracytheirrelativeamountinthetwocountries？

This，however，isnotthelastofthedifficultieswhichpreventusfromcomparingtheexpenditureoftheUnionwiththatofFrance。TheFrenchGovernmentcontractscertainobligationswhichdonotexistinAmerica，andviceversa。TheFrenchGovernmentpaystheclergy;inAmericathevoluntaryprincipleprevails。InAmericathereisalegalprovisionforthepoor;inFrancetheyareabandonedtothecharityofthepublic。TheFrenchpublicofficersarepaidbyafixedsalary;inAmericatheyareallowedcertainperquisites。InFrancecontributionsinkindtakeplaceonveryfewroads;inAmericauponalmostallthethoroughfares:intheformercountrytheroadsarefreetoalltravellers;inthelatterturnpikesabound。Allthesedifferencesinthemannerinwhichcontributionsareleviedinthetwocountriesenhancethedifficultyofcomparingtheirexpenditure;fortherearecertainexpenseswhichthecitizenswouldnotbesubjectto，orwhichwouldatanyratebemuchlessconsiderable，iftheStatedidnottakeuponitselftoactinthenameofthepublic。]

HencewemustconcludethatitisnolessdifficulttocomparethesocialexpenditurethanitistoestimatetherelativewealthofFranceandAmerica。Iwillevenaddthatitwouldbedangeroustoattemptthiscomparison;forwhenstatisticsarenotbaseduponcomputationswhicharestrictlyaccurate，theymisleadinsteadofguidingaright。Themindiseasilyimposeduponbythefalseaffectationofexactness，whichprevailseveninthemisstatementsofscience，anditadoptswithconfidenceerrorswhicharedressedintheformsofmathematicaltruth。

Weabandon，therefore，ournumericalinvestigation，withthehopeofmeetingwithdataofanotherkind。Intheabsenceofpositivedocuments，wemayformanopinionastotheproportionwhichthetaxationofapeoplebearstoitsrealprosperity，byobservingwhetheritsexternalappearanceisflourishing;

whether，afterhavingdischargedthecallsoftheState，thepoormanretainsthemeansofsubsistence，andtherichthemeansofenjoyment;andwhetherbothclassesarecontentedwiththeirposition，seeking，however，toameliorateitbyperpetualexertions，sothatindustryisneverinwantofcapital，norcapitalunemployedbyindustry。Theobserverwhodrawshisinferencesfromthesesignswill，undoubtedly，beledtotheconclusionthattheAmericanoftheUnitedStatescontributesamuchsmallerportionofhisincometotheStatethanthecitizenofFrance。Nor，indeed，cantheresultbeotherwise。

AportionoftheFrenchdebtistheconsequenceoftwosuccessiveinvasions;andtheUnionhasnosimilarcalamitytofear。AnationplaceduponthecontinentofEuropeisobligedtomaintainalargestandingarmy;theisolatedpositionoftheUnionenablesittohaveonly6，000soldiers。TheFrenchhaveafleetof300sail;theAmericanshave52vessels。*nHow，then，cantheinhabitantsoftheUnionbecalledupontocontributeaslargelyastheinhabitantsofFrance？Noparallelcanbedrawnbetweenthefinancesoftwocountriessodifferentlysituated。

[Footnoten:SeethedetailsintheBudgetoftheFrenchMinisterofMarine;andforAmerica，theNationalCalendarof1833，p。

228。[ButthepublicdebtoftheUnitedStatesin1870，causedbytheCivilWar，amountedto$2，480，672，427;thatofFrancewasmorethandoubledbytheextravaganceoftheSecondEmpireandbythewarof1870。]]

ItisbyexaminingwhatactuallytakesplaceintheUnion，andnotbycomparingtheUnionwithFrance，thatwemaydiscoverwhethertheAmericanGovernmentisreallyeconomical。Oncastingmyeyesoverthedifferentrepublicswhichformtheconfederation，IperceivethattheirGovernmentslackperseveranceintheirundertakings，andthattheyexercisenosteadycontroloverthemenwhomtheyemploy。WhenceInaturallyinferthattheymustoftenspendthemoneyofthepeopletonopurpose，orconsumemoreofitthanisreallynecessarytotheirundertakings。Greateffortsaremade，inaccordancewiththedemocraticoriginofsociety，tosatisfytheexigenciesofthelowerorders，toopenthecareerofpowertotheirendeavors，andtodiffuseknowledgeandcomfortamongstthem。Thepooraremaintained，immensesumsareannuallydevotedtopublicinstruction，allserviceswhatsoeverareremunerated，andthemostsubordinateagentsareliberallypaid。Ifthiskindofgovernmentappearstometobeusefulandrational，Iamneverthelessconstrainedtoadmitthatitisexpensive。

Whereverthepoordirectpublicaffairsanddisposeofthenationalresources，itappearscertainthat，astheyprofitbytheexpenditureoftheState，theyareapttoaugmentthatexpenditure。

Iconclude，therefore，withouthavingrecoursetoinaccuratecomputations，andwithouthazardingacomparisonwhichmightproveincorrect，thatthedemocraticgovernmentoftheAmericansisnotacheapgovernment，asissometimesasserted;andIhavenohesitationinpredictingthat，ifthepeopleoftheUnitedStatesiseverinvolvedinseriousdifficulties，itstaxationwillspeedilybeincreasedtotherateofthatwhichprevailsinthegreaterpartofthearistocraciesandthemonarchiesofEurope。*o[Footnoteo:[Thatispreciselywhathassinceoccurred。]]

ChapterXIII:GovernmentOfTheDemocracyInAmerica—PartIII

CorruptionAndVicesOfTheRulersInADemocracy，AndConsequentEffectsUponPublicMoralityInaristocraciesrulerssometimesendeavortocorruptthepeople—Indemocraciesrulersfrequentlyshowthemselvestobecorrupt—Intheformertheirvicesaredirectlyprejudicialtothemoralityofthepeople—Inthelattertheirindirectinfluenceisstillmorepernicious。

Adistinctionmustbemade，whenthearistocraticandthedemocraticprinciplesmutuallyinveighagainsteachother，astendingtofacilitatecorruption。Inaristocraticgovernmentstheindividualswhoareplacedattheheadofaffairsarerichmen，whoaresolelydesirousofpower。Indemocraciesstatesmenarepoor，andtheyhavetheirfortunestomake。TheconsequenceisthatinaristocraticStatestherulersarerarelyaccessibletocorruption，andhaveverylittlecravingformoney;whilstthereverseisthecaseindemocraticnations。

Butinaristocracies，asthosewhoaredesirousofarrivingattheheadofaffairsarepossessedofconsiderablewealth，andasthenumberofpersonsbywhoseassistancetheymayriseiscomparativelysmall，thegovernmentis，ifImayusetheexpression，putuptoasortofauction。Indemocracies，onthecontrary，thosewhoarecovetousofpowerareveryseldomwealthy，andthenumberofcitizenswhoconferthatpowerisextremelygreat。Perhapsindemocraciesthenumberofmenwhomightbeboughtisbynomeanssmaller，butbuyersarerarelytobemetwith;and，besides，itwouldbenecessarytobuysomanypersonsatoncethattheattemptisrenderednugatory。

ManyofthemenwhohavebeenintheadministrationinFranceduringthelastfortyyearshavebeenaccusedofmakingtheirfortunesattheexpenseoftheStateorofitsallies;areproachwhichwasrarelyaddressedtothepubliccharactersoftheancientmonarchy。ButinFrancethepracticeofbribingelectorsisalmostunknown，whilstitisnotoriouslyandpubliclycarriedoninEngland。IntheUnitedStatesIneverheardamanaccusedofspendinghiswealthincorruptingthepopulace;butI

haveoftenheardtheprobityofpublicofficersquestioned;stillmorefrequentlyhaveIheardtheirsuccessattributedtolowintriguesandimmoralpractices。

If，then，themenwhoconductthegovernmentofanaristocracysometimesendeavortocorruptthepeople，theheadsofademocracyarethemselvescorrupt。Intheformercasethemoralityofthepeopleisdirectlyassailed;inthelatteranindirectinfluenceisexerciseduponthepeoplewhichisstillmoretobedreaded。

Astherulersofdemocraticnationsarealmostalwaysexposedtothesuspicionofdishonorableconduct，theyinsomemeasurelendtheauthorityoftheGovernmenttothebasepracticesofwhichtheyareaccused。Theythusaffordanexamplewhichmustprovediscouragingtothestrugglesofvirtuousindependence，andmustfosterthesecretcalculationsofaviciousambition。Ifitbeassertedthatevilpassionsaredisplayedinallranksofsociety，thattheyascendthethronebyhereditaryright，andthatdespicablecharactersaretobemetwithattheheadofaristocraticnationsaswellasinthesphereofademocracy，thisobjectionhasbutlittleweightinmyestimation。Thecorruptionofmenwhohavecasuallyrisentopowerhasacoarseandvulgarinfectioninitwhichrendersitcontagioustothemultitude。Onthecontrary，thereisakindofaristocraticrefinementandanairofgrandeurinthedepravityofthegreat，whichfrequentlypreventitfromspreadingabroad。

Thepeoplecanneverpenetrateintotheperplexinglabyrinthofcourtintrigue，anditwillalwayshavedifficultyindetectingtheturpitudewhichlurksunderelegantmanners，refinedtastes，andgracefullanguage。Buttopillagethepublicpurse，andtovendthefavorsoftheState，areartswhichthemeanestvillainmaycomprehend，andhopetopracticeinhisturn。

Inrealityitisfarlessprejudicialtowitnesstheimmoralityofthegreatthantowitnessthatimmoralitywhichleadstogreatness。Inademocracyprivatecitizensseeamanoftheirownrankinlife，whorisesfromthatobscureposition，andwhobecomespossessedofrichesandofpowerinafewyears;thespectacleexcitestheirsurpriseandtheirenvy，andtheyareledtoinquirehowthepersonwhowasyesterdaytheirequalisto—daytheirruler。Toattributehisrisetohistalentsorhisvirtuesisunpleasant;foritistacitlytoacknowledgethattheyarethemselveslessvirtuousandlesstalentedthanhewas。Theyarethereforeled（andnotunfrequentlytheirconjectureisacorrectone）toimputehissuccessmainlytosomeoneofhisdefects;andanodiousmixtureisthusformedoftheideasofturpitudeandpower，unworthinessandsuccess，utilityanddishonor。

EffortsOfWhichADemocracyIsCapableTheUnionhasonlyhadonestrugglehithertoforitsexistence—

Enthusiasmatthecommencementofthewar—Indifferencetowardsitsclose—DifficultyofestablishingmilitaryconscriptionorimpressmentofseameninAmerica—Whyademocraticpeopleislesscapableofsustainedeffortthananother。

IherewarnthereaderthatIspeakofagovernmentwhichimplicitlyfollowstherealdesiresofapeople，andnotofagovernmentwhichsimplycommandsinitsname。Nothingissoirresistibleasatyrannicalpowercommandinginthenameofthepeople，because，whilstitexercisesthatmoralinfluencewhichbelongstothedecisionofthemajority，itactsatthesametimewiththepromptitudeandthetenacityofasingleman。

Itisdifficulttosaywhatdegreeofexertionademocraticgovernmentmaybecapableofmakingacrisisinthehistoryofthenation。Butnogreatdemocraticrepublichashithertoexistedintheworld。TostyletheoligarchywhichruledoverFrancein1793bythatnamewouldbetoofferaninsulttotherepublicanformofgovernment。TheUnitedStatesaffordthefirstexampleofthekind。

TheAmericanUnionhasnowsubsistedforhalfacentury，inthecourseofwhichtimeitsexistencehasonlyoncebeenattacked，namely，duringtheWarofIndependence。Atthecommencementofthatlongwar，variousoccurrencestookplacewhichbetokenedanextraordinaryzealfortheserviceofthecountry。*pButasthecontestwasprolonged，symptomsofprivateegotismbegantoshowthemselves。Nomoneywaspouredintothepublictreasury;fewrecruitscouldberaisedtojointhearmy;

thepeoplewishedtoacquireindependence，butwasveryill—disposedtoundergotheprivationsbywhichaloneitcouldbeobtained。"Taxlaws，"saysHamiltoninthe"Federalist"（No。

12），"haveinvainbeenmultiplied;newmethodstoenforcethecollectionhaveinvainbeentried;thepublicexpectationhasbeenuniformlydisappointedandthetreasuriesoftheStateshaveremainedempty。Thepopularsystemofadministrationinherentinthenatureofpopulargovernment，coincidingwiththerealscarcityofmoneyincidenttoalanguidandmutilatedstateoftrade，hashithertodefeatedeveryexperimentforextensivecollections，andhasatlengthtaughtthedifferentlegislaturesthefollyofattemptingthem。"

[Footnotep:OneofthemostsingularoftheseoccurrenceswastheresolutionwhichtheAmericanstookoftemporarilyabandoningtheuseoftea。Thosewhoknowthatmenusuallyclingmoretotheirhabitsthantotheirlifewilldoubtlessadmirethisgreatthoughobscuresacrificewhichwasmadebyawholepeople。]

TheUnitedStateshavenothadanyseriouswartocarryoneversincethatperiod。Inorder，therefore，toappreciatethesacrificeswhichdemocraticnationsmayimposeuponthemselves，wemustwaituntiltheAmericanpeopleisobligedtoputhalfitsentireincomeatthedisposaloftheGovernment，aswasdonebytheEnglish;oruntilitsendsforthatwentiethpartofitspopulationtothefieldofbattle，aswasdonebyFrance。*q[Footnoteq:[TheCivilWarshowedthatwhenthenecessityarosetheAmericanpeople，bothintheNorthandintheSouth，arecapableofmakingthemostenormoussacrifices，bothinmoneyandinmen。]]

InAmericatheuseofconscriptionisunknown，andmenareinducedtoenlistbybounties。ThenotionsandhabitsofthepeopleoftheUnitedStatesaresoopposedtocompulsoryenlistmentthatIdonotimagineitcaneverbesanctionedbythelaws。WhatistermedtheconscriptioninFranceisassuredlytheheaviesttaxuponthepopulationofthatcountry;yethowcouldagreatcontinentalwarbecarriedonwithoutit？TheAmericanshavenotadoptedtheBritishimpressmentofseamen，andtheyhavenothingwhichcorrespondstotheFrenchsystemofmaritimeconscription;thenavy，aswellasthemerchantservice，issuppliedbyvoluntaryservice。Butitisnoteasytoconceivehowapeoplecansustainagreatmaritimewarwithouthavingrecoursetooneortheotherofthesetwosystems。Indeed，theUnion，whichhasfoughtwithsomehonorupontheseas，hasneverpossessedaverynumerousfleet，andtheequipmentofthesmallnumberofAmericanvesselshasalwaysbeenexcessivelyexpensive。

IhaveheardAmericanstatesmenconfessthattheUnionwillhavegreatdifficultyinmaintainingitsrankontheseaswithoutadoptingthesystemofimpressmentorofmaritimeconscription;

butthedifficultyistoinducethepeople，whichexercisesthesupremeauthority，tosubmittoimpressmentoranycompulsorysystem。

Itisincontestablethatintimesofdangerafreepeopledisplaysfarmoreenergythanonewhichisnotso。ButIinclinetobelievethatthisismoreespeciallythecaseinthosefreenationsinwhichthedemocraticelementpreponderates。Democracyappearstometobemuchbetteradaptedforthepeacefulconductofsociety，orforanoccasionaleffortofremarkablevigor，thanforthehardyandprolongedenduranceofthestormswhichbesetthepoliticalexistenceofnations。Thereasonisveryevident;

itisenthusiasmwhichpromptsmentoexposethemselvestodangersandprivations，buttheywillnotsupportthemlongwithoutreflection。Thereismorecalculation，evenintheimpulsesofbravery，thanisgenerallyattributedtothem;andalthoughthefirsteffortsaresuggestedbypassion，perseveranceismaintainedbyadistinctregardofthepurposeinview。A

portionofwhatwevalueisexposed，inordertosavetheremainder。

Butitisthisdistinctperceptionofthefuture，foundeduponasoundjudgmentandanenlightenedexperience，whichismostfrequentlywantingindemocracies。Thepopulaceismoreapttofeelthantoreason;andifitspresentsufferingsaregreat，itistobefearedthatthestillgreatersufferingsattendantupondefeatwillbeforgotten。

Anothercausetendstorendertheeffortsofademocraticgovernmentlessperseveringthanthoseofanaristocracy。Notonlyarethelowerclasseslessawakenedthanthehigherorderstothegoodorevilchancesofthefuture，buttheyareliabletosufferfarmoreacutelyfrompresentprivations。Thenobleexposeshislife，indeed，butthechanceofgloryisequaltothechanceofharm。IfhesacrificesalargeportionofhisincometotheState，hedepriveshimselfforatimeofthepleasuresofaffluence;buttothepoormandeathisembellishedbynopomporrenown，andtheimpostswhichareirksometothericharefataltohim。

Thisrelativeimpotenceofdemocraticrepublicsis，perhaps，thegreatestobstacletothefoundationofarepublicofthiskindinEurope。InorderthatsuchaStateshouldsubsistinonecountryoftheOldWorld，itwouldbenecessarythatsimilarinstitutionsshouldbeintroducedintoalltheothernations。

Iamofopinionthatademocraticgovernmenttendsintheendtoincreasetherealstrengthofsociety;butitcannevercombine，uponasinglepointandatagiventime，somuchpowerasanaristocracyoramonarchy。Ifademocraticcountryremainedduringawholecenturysubjecttoarepublicangovernment，itwouldprobablyattheendofthatperiodbemorepopulousandmoreprosperousthantheneighboringdespoticStates。Butitwouldhaveincurredtheriskofbeingconqueredmuchoftenerthantheywouldinthatlapseofyears。

Self—ControlOfTheAmericanDemocracyTheAmericanpeopleacquiescesslowly，orfrequentlydoesnotacquiesce，inwhatisbeneficialtoitsinterests—ThefaultsoftheAmericandemocracyareforthemostpartreparable。

Thedifficultywhichademocracyhasinconqueringthepassionsandinsubduingtheexigenciesofthemoment，withaviewtothefuture，isconspicuousinthemosttrivialoccurrencesoftheUnitedStates。Thepeople，whichissurroundedbyflatterers，hasgreatdifficultyinsurmountingitsinclinations，andwheneveritissolicitedtoundergoaprivationoranykindofinconvenience，eventoattainanendwhichissanctionedbyitsownrationalconviction，italmostalwaysrefusestocomplyatfirst。ThedeferenceoftheAmericanstothelawshasbeenveryjustlyapplauded;butitmustbeaddedthatinAmericathelegislationismadebythepeopleandforthepeople。Consequently，intheUnitedStatesthelawfavorsthoseclasseswhicharemostinterestedinevadingitelsewhere。Itmaythereforebesupposedthatanoffensivelaw，whichshouldnotbeacknowledgedtobeoneofimmediateutility，wouldeithernotbeenactedorwouldnotbeobeyed。

InAmericathereisnolawagainstfraudulentbankruptcies;

notbecausetheyarefew，butbecausethereareagreatnumberofbankruptcies。Thedreadofbeingprosecutedasabankruptactswithmoreintensityuponthemindofthemajorityofthepeoplethanthefearofbeinginvolvedinlossesorruinbythefailureofotherparties，andasortofguiltytoleranceisextendedbythepublicconsciencetoanoffencewhicheveryonecondemnsinhisindividualcapacity。InthenewStatesoftheSouthwestthecitizensgenerallytakejusticeintotheirownhands，andmurdersareofveryfrequentoccurrence。Thisarisesfromtherudemannersandtheignoranceoftheinhabitantsofthosedeserts，whodonotperceivetheutilityofinvestingthelawwithadequateforce，andwhopreferduelstoprosecutions。

Someoneobservedtomeoneday，inPhiladelphia，thatalmostallcrimesinAmericaarecausedbytheabuseofintoxicatingliquors，whichthelowerclassescanprocureingreatabundance，fromtheirexcessivecheapness。"Howcomesit，"saidI，"thatyoudonotputadutyuponbrandy？""Ourlegislators，"rejoinedmyinformant，"havefrequentlythoughtofthisexpedient;butthetaskofputtingitinoperationisadifficultone;arevoltmightbeapprehended，andthememberswhoshouldvoteforalawofthiskindwouldbesureoflosingtheirseats。""WhenceIamtoinfer，"repliedI，"thatthedrinkingpopulationconstitutesthemajorityinyourcountry，andthattemperanceissomewhatunpopular。"

WhenthesethingsarepointedouttotheAmericanstatesmen，theycontentthemselveswithassuringyouthattimewilloperatethenecessarychange，andthattheexperienceofevilwillteachthepeopleitstrueinterests。Thisisfrequentlytrue，althoughademocracyismoreliabletoerrorthanamonarchorabodyofnobles;thechancesofitsregainingtherightpathwhenonceithasacknowledgeditsmistake，aregreateralso;becauseitisrarelyembarrassedbyinternalinterests，whichconflictwiththoseofthemajority，andresisttheauthorityofreason。Butademocracycanonlyobtaintruthastheresultofexperience，andmanynationsmayforfeittheirexistencewhilsttheyareawaitingtheconsequencesoftheirerrors。

ThegreatprivilegeoftheAmericansdoesnotsimplyconsistintheirbeingmoreenlightenedthanothernations，butintheirbeingabletorepairthefaultstheymaycommit。Towhichitmustbeadded，thatademocracycannotderivesubstantialbenefitfrompastexperience，unlessitbearrivedatacertainpitchofknowledgeandcivilization。Therearetribesandpeopleswhoseeducationhasbeensovicious，andwhosecharacterpresentssostrangeamixtureofpassion，ofignorance，andoferroneousnotionsuponallsubjects，thattheyareunabletodiscernthecausesoftheirownwretchedness，andtheyfallasacrificetoillswithwhichtheyareunacquainted。

IhavecrossedvasttractsofcountrythatwereformerlyinhabitedbypowerfulIndiannationswhicharenowextinct;I

havemyselfpassedsometimeinthemidstofmutilatedtribes，whichwitnessthedailydeclineoftheirnumericalstrengthandofthegloryoftheirindependence;andIhaveheardtheseIndiansthemselvesanticipatetheimpendingdoomoftheirrace。

EveryEuropeancanperceivemeanswhichwouldrescuetheseunfortunatebeingsfrominevitabledestruction。Theyaloneareinsensibletotheexpedient;theyfeelthewoewhichyearafteryearheapsupontheirheads，buttheywillperishtoamanwithoutacceptingtheremedy。Itwouldbenecessarytoemployforcetoinducethemtosubmittotheprotectionandtheconstraintofcivilization。

TheincessantrevolutionswhichhaveconvulsedtheSouthAmericanprovincesforthelastquarterofacenturyhavefrequentlybeenadvertedtowithastonishment，andexpectationshavebeenexpressedthatthosenationswouldspeedilyreturntotheirnaturalstate。ButcanitbeaffirmedthattheturmoilofrevolutionisnotactuallythemostnaturalstateoftheSouthAmericanSpaniardsatthepresenttime？Inthatcountrysocietyisplungedintodifficultiesfromwhichallitseffortsareinsufficienttorescueit。TheinhabitantsofthatfairportionoftheWesternHemisphereseemobstinatelybentonpursuingtheworkofinwardhavoc。Iftheyfallintoamomentaryreposefromtheeffectsofexhaustion，thatreposepreparesthemforafreshstateoffrenzy。WhenIconsidertheircondition，whichalternatesbetweenmiseryandcrime，Ishouldbeinclinedtobelievethatdespotismitselfwouldbeabenefittothem，ifitwerepossiblethatthewordsdespotismandbenefitcouldeverbeunitedinmymind。

ConductOfForeignAffairsByTheAmericanDemocracyDirectiongiventotheforeignpolicyoftheUnitedStatesbyWashingtonandJefferson—Almostallthedefectsinherentindemocraticinstitutionsarebroughttolightintheconductofforeignaffairs—Theiradvantagesarelessperceptible。

WehaveseenthattheFederalConstitutionentruststhepermanentdirectionoftheexternalinterestsofthenationtothePresidentandtheSenate，*rwhichtendsinsomedegreetodetachthegeneralforeignpolicyoftheUnionfromthecontrolofthepeople。ItcannotthereforebeassertedwithtruththattheexternalaffairsofStateareconductedbythedemocracy。

[Footnoter:"ThePresident，"saystheConstitution，Art。II，sect。2，Section2，"shallhavepower，byandwiththeadviceandconsentoftheSenate，tomaketreaties，providedtwo—thirdsofthesenatorspresentconcur。"Thereaderisremindedthatthesenatorsarereturnedforatermofsixyears，andthattheyarechosenbythelegislatureofeachState。]