第20章

Ibelievethereisagenuinepopularsovereignty。Ithinkadefinitionof"genuinepopularsovereignty，"intheabstract，wouldbeaboutthis：Thateachmanshalldopreciselyashepleaseswithhimself，andwithallthosethingswhichexclusivelyconcernhim。

Appliedtogovernment，thisprinciplewouldbe，thatageneralgovernmentshalldoallthosethingswhichpertaintoit，andallthelocalgovernmentsshalldopreciselyastheypleaseinrespecttothosematterswhichexclusivelyconcernthem。IunderstandthatthisgovernmentoftheUnitedStates，underwhichwelive，isbaseduponthisprinciple；andIammisunderstoodifitissupposedthatIhaveanywartomakeuponthatprinciple。

Now，whatisjudgeDouglas’spopularsovereignty？Itis，asaprinciple，nootherthanthatifonemanchoosestomakeaslaveofanothermanneitherthatothermannoranybodyelsehasarighttoobject。Appliedingovernment，asheseekstoapplyit，itisthis：

If，inanewTerritoryintowhichafewpeoplearebeginningtoenterforthepurposeofmakingtheirhomes，theychoosetoeitherexcludeslaveryfromtheirlimitsortoestablishitthere，howeveroneortheothermayaffectthepersonstobeenslaved，ortheinfinitelygreaternumberofpersonswhoareafterwardstoinhabitthatTerritory，ortheothermembersofthefamiliesofcommunities，ofwhichtheyarebutanincipientmember，orthegeneralheadofthefamilyofStatesasparentofall，howevertheiractionmayaffectoneortheotherofthese，thereisnopowerorrighttointerfere。

ThatisDouglas’spopularsovereigntyapplied。

Hehasagooddealoftroublewithpopularsovereignty。Hisexplanationsexplanatoryofexplanationsexplainedareinterminable。

Themostlengthy，and，asIsuppose，themostmaturelyconsideredofthislongseriesofexplanationsishisgreatessayinHarper’sMagazine。Iwillnotattempttoenteronanyverythoroughinvestigationofhisargumentastheremadeandpresented。Iwillneverthelessoccupyagoodportionofyourtimehereindrawingyourattentiontocertainpointsinit。SuchofyouasmayhavereadthisdocumentwillhaveperceivedthatthejudgeearlyinthedocumentquotesfromtwopersonsasbelongingtotheRepublicanparty，withoutnamingthem，butwhocanreadilyberecognizedasbeingGovernorSewardofNewYorkandmyself。Itistruethatexactlyfifteenmonthsagothisday，Ibelieve，Iforthefirsttimeexpressedasentimentuponthissubject，andinsuchamannerthatitshouldgetintoprint，thatthepublicmightseeitbeyondthecircleofmyhearers；andmyexpressionofitatthattimeisthequotationthatJudgeDouglasmakes。Hehasnotmadethequotationwithaccuracy，butjusticetohimrequiresmetosaythatitissufficientlyaccuratenottochangethesense。

Thesenseofthatquotationcondensedisthis：thatthisslaveryelementisadurableelementofdiscordamongus，andthatweshallprobablynothaveperfectpeaceinthiscountrywithituntiliteithermastersthefreeprincipleinourgovernment，orissofarmasteredbythefreeprincipleasforthepublicmindtorestinthebeliefthatitisgoingtoitsend。Thissentiment，whichInowexpressinthisway，was，atnogreatdistanceoftime，perhapsindifferentlanguage，andinconnectionwithsomecollateralideas，expressedbyGovernorSeward。JudgeDouglashasbeensomuchannoyedbytheexpressionofthatsentimentthathehasconstantly，I

believe，inalmostallhisspeechessinceitwasuttered，beenreferringtoit。Ifindhealludedtoitinhisspeechhere，aswellasinthecopyrightessay。Idonotnowenteruponthisforthepurposeofmakinganelaborateargumenttoshowthatwewererightintheexpressionofthatsentiment。Inotherwords，Ishallnotstoptosayallthatmightproperlybesaiduponthispoint，butIonlyaskyourattentiontoitforthepurposeofmakingoneortwopointsuponit。

Ifyouwillreadthecopyrightessay，youwilldiscoverthatjudgeDouglashimselfsaysacontroversybetweentheAmericanColoniesandtheGovernmentofGreatBritainbeganontheslaveryquestionin1699，andcontinuedfromthattimeuntiltheRevolution；and，whilehedidnotsayso，weallknowthatithascontinuedwithmoreorlessviolenceeversincetheRevolution。

Thenweneednotappealtohistory，tothedeclarationsoftheframersofthegovernment，butweknowfromjudgeDouglashimselfthatslaverybegantobeanelementofdiscordamongthewhitepeopleofthiscountryasfarbackas1699，oronehundredandsixtyyearsago，orfivegenerationsofmen，——countingthirtyyearstoageneration。Now，itwouldseemtomethatitmighthaveoccurredtoJudgeDouglas，oranybodywhohadturnedhisattentiontothesefacts，thattherewassomethinginthenatureofthatthing，slavery，somewhatdurableformischiefanddiscord。

ThereisanotherpointIdesiretomakeinregardtothismatter，beforeIleaveit。FromtheadoptionoftheConstitutiondownto1820

isthepreciseperiodofourhistorywhenwehadcomparativepeaceuponthisquestion，——thepreciseperiodoftimewhenwecamenearertohavingpeaceaboutitthananyothertimeofthatentireonehundredandsixtyyearsinwhichhesaysitbegan，oroftheeightyyearsofourownConstitution。Thenitwouldbeworthourwhiletostopandexamineintotheprobablereasonofourcomingnearertohavingpeacethenthanatanyothertime。Thiswasthepreciseperiodoftimeinwhichourfathersadopted，andduringwhichtheyfollowed，apolicyrestrictingthespreadofslavery，andthewholeUnionwasacquiescinginit。Thewholecountrylookedforwardtotheultimateextinctionoftheinstitution。Itwaswhenapolicyhadbeenadopted，andwasprevailing，whichledalljustandright—mindedmentosupposethatslaverywasgraduallycomingtoanend，andthattheymightbequietaboutit，watchingitasitexpired。IthinkJudgeDouglasmighthaveperceivedthattoo；andwhetherhedidornot，itisworththeattentionoffair—mindedmen，hereandelsewhere，toconsiderwhetherthatisnotthetruthofthecase。Ifhehadlookedatthesetwofacts，——thatthismatterhasbeenanelementofdiscordforonehundredandsixtyyearsamongthispeople，andthattheonlycomparativepeacewehavehadaboutitwaswhenthatpolicyprevailedinthisgovernmentwhichhenowwarsupon，hemightthen，perhaps，havebeenbroughttoamorejustappreciationofwhatIsaidfifteenmonthsago，——that"ahousedividedagainstitselfcannotstand。Ibelievethatthisgovernmentcannotendurepermanently，halfslaveandhalffree。Idonotexpectthehousetofall，IdonotexpecttheUniontodissolve；butIdoexpectitwillceasetobedivided。Itwillbecomeallonething，oralltheother。

Eithertheopponentsofslaverywillarrestthefurtherspreadofit，andplaceitwherethepublicmindwillrestinthebeliefthatitisinthecourseofultimateextinction，oritsadvocateswillpushitforwarduntilitshallbecomealikelawfulinalltheStates，oldaswellasnew，NorthaswellasSouth。"Thatwasmysentimentatthattime。Inconnectionwithit，Isaid："Wearenowfarintothefifthyearsinceapolicywasinauguratedwiththeavowedobjectandconfidentpromiseofputtinganendtoslaveryagitation。Undertheoperationofthepolicythatagitationhasnotonlynotceased，buthasconstantlyaugmented。"InowsaytoyouherethatweareadvancedstillfartherintothesixthyearsincethatpolicyofJudgeDouglas——thatpopularsovereigntyofhis——forquietingtheslaveryquestionwasmadethenationalpolicy。FifteenmonthsmorehavebeenaddedsinceIutteredthatsentiment；andIcalluponyouandallotherright—mindedmentosaywhetherthatfifteenmonthshavebeliedorcorroboratedmywords。

WhileIamhereuponthissubject，Icannotbutexpressgratitudethatthistrueviewofthiselementofdiscordamongus——asIbelieveitis——isattractingmoreandmoreattention。IdonotbelievethatGovernorSewardutteredthatsentimentbecauseIhaddonesobefore，butbecausehereflecteduponthissubjectandsawthetruthofit。

NordoIbelievebecauseGovernorSewardorIuttereditthatMr。

HickmanofPennsylvania，in，differentlanguage，sincethattime，hasdeclaredhisbeliefintheutterantagonismwhichexistsbetweentheprinciplesoflibertyandslavery。Youseewearemultiplying。Now，whileIamspeakingofHickman，letmesay，Iknowbutlittleabouthim。Ihaveneverseenhim，andknowscarcelyanythingabouttheman；butIwillsaythismuchofhim：Ofalltheanti—LecomptonDemocracythathavebeenbroughttomynotice，healonehasthetrue，genuineringofthemetal。Andnow，withoutindorsinganythingelsehehassaid，IwillaskthisaudiencetogivethreecheersforHickman。[TheaudiencerespondedwiththreerousingcheersforHickman。]

AnotherpointinthecopyrightessaytowhichIwouldaskyourattentionisratherafeaturetobeextractedfromthewholething，thanfromanyexpressdeclarationofitatanypoint。Itisageneralfeatureofthatdocument，and，indeed，ofallofJudgeDouglas’sdiscussionsofthisquestion，thattheTerritoriesoftheUnitedStatesandtheStatesofthisUnionareexactlyalike；thatthereisnodifferencebetweenthematall；thattheConstitutionappliestotheTerritoriespreciselyasitdoestotheStates；andthattheUnitedStatesGovernment，undertheConstitution，maynotdoinaStatewhatitmaynotdoinaTerritory，andwhatitmustdoinaStateitmustdoinaTerritory。Gentlemen，isthatatrueviewofthecase？Itisnecessaryforthissquattersovereignty，butisittrue？

Letusconsider。Whatdoesitdependupon？ItdependsaltogetheruponthepropositionthattheStatesmust，withouttheinterferenceoftheGeneralGovernment，doallthosethingsthatpertainexclusivelytothemselves，——thatarelocalintheirnature，thathavenoconnectionwiththeGeneralGovernment。AfterJudgeDouglashasestablishedthisproposition，whichnobodydisputesoreverhasdisputed，heproceedstoassume，withoutprovingit，thatslaveryisoneofthoselittle，unimportant，trivialmatterswhichareofjustaboutasmuchconsequenceasthequestionwouldbetomewhethermyneighborshouldraisehornedcattleorplanttobacco；thatthereisnomoralquestionaboutit，butthatitisaltogetheramatterofdollarsandcents；thatwhenanewTerritoryisopenedforsettlement，thefirstmanwhogoesintoitmayplantthereathingwhich，liketheCanadathistleorsomeotherofthosepestsofthesoil，cannotbedugoutbythemillionsofmenwhowillcomethereafter；thatitisoneofthoselittlethingsthatissotrivialinitsnaturethatithasnoreffectuponanybodysavethefewmenwhofirstplantuponthesoil；thatitisnotathingwhichinanywayaffectsthefamilyofcommunitiescomposingtheseStates，noranywayendangerstheGeneralGovernment。JudgeDouglasignoresaltogethertheverywellknownfactthatwehaveneverhadaseriousmenacetoourpoliticalexistence，exceptitsprangfromthisthing，whichhechoosestoregardasonlyuponaparwithonionsandpotatoes。

Turnit，andcontemplateitinanotherview。Hesaysthat，accordingtohispopularsovereignty，theGeneralGovernmentmaygivetotheTerritoriesgovernors，judges，marshals，secretaries，andalltheotherchiefmentogovernthem，butthey，mustnottouchuponthisotherquestion。Why？ThequestionofwhoshallbegovernorofaTerritoryforayearortwo，andpassaway，withouthistrackbeingleftuponthesoil，oranactwhichhedidforgoodorforevilbeingleftbehind，isaquestionofvastnationalmagnitude；itissomuchopposedinitsnaturetolocalitythatthenationitselfmustdecideit：whilethisothermatterofplantingslaveryuponasoil，——athingwhich，onceplanted，cannotbeeradicatedbythesucceedingmillionswhohaveasmuchrightthereasthefirstcomers，or，iferadicated，notwithoutinfinitedifficultyandalongstruggle，heconsidersthepowertoprohibititasoneoftheselittlelocal，trivialthingsthatthenationoughtnottosayawordabout；thatitaffectsnobodysavethefewmenwhoarethere。

Takethesetwothingsandconsiderthemtogether，presentthequestionofplantingaStatewiththeinstitutionofslaverybythesideofaquestionwhoshallbeGovernorofKansasforayearortwo，andisthereamanhere，isthereamanonearth，whowouldnotsaythegovernorquestionisthelittleone，andtheslaveryquestionisthegreatone？IaskanyhonestDemocratifthesmall，thelocal，andthetrivialandtemporaryquestionisnot，Whoshallbegovernor？

whilethedurable，theimportant，andthemischievousoneis，Shallthissoilbeplantedwithslavery？

Thisisanidea，Isuppose，whichhasariseninJudgeDouglas’smindfromhispeculiarstructure。Isupposetheinstitutionofslaveryreallylookssmalltohim。Heissoputupbynaturethatalashuponhisbackwouldhurthim，butalashuponanybodyelse’sbackdoesnothurthim。Thatisthebuildoftheman，andconsequentlyhelooksuponthematterofslaveryinthisunimportantlight。

JudgeDouglasoughttoremember，whenheisendeavoringtoforcethispolicyupontheAmericanpeople，thatwhileheisputupinthatway，agoodmanyarenot。HeoughttorememberthattherewasonceinthiscountryamanbythenameofThomasJefferson，supposedtobeaDemocrat，——amanwhoseprinciplesandpolicyarenotveryprevalentamongstDemocratsto—day，itistrue；butthatmandidnottakeexactlythisviewoftheinsignificanceoftheelementofslaverywhichourfriendjudgeDouglasdoes。Incontemplationofthisthing，weallknowhewasledtoexclaim，"ItrembleformycountrywhenI

rememberthatGodisjust！"Weknowhowhelookeduponitwhenhethusexpressedhimself。Therewasdangertothiscountry，——dangeroftheavengingjusticeofGod，inthatlittleunimportantpopularsovereigntyquestionofjudgeDouglas。HesupposedtherewasaquestionofGod’seternaljusticewrappedupintheenslavingofanyraceofmen，oranyman，andthatthosewhodidsobravedthearmofJehovah；thatwhenanationthusdaredtheAlmighty，everyfriendofthatnationhadcausetodreadhiswrath。ChooseyebetweenJeffersonandDouglasastowhatisthetrueviewofthiselementamongus。

ThereisanotherlittledifficultyaboutthismatteroftreatingtheTerritoriesandStatesalikeinallthings，towhichIaskyourattention，andIshallleavethisbranchofthecase。Ifthereisnodifferencebetweenthem，whynotmaketheTerritoriesStatesatonce？

WhatisthereasonthatKansaswasnotfittocomeintotheUnionwhenitwasorganizedintoaTerritory，inJudgeDouglas’sview？CananyofyoutellanyreasonwhyitshouldnothavecomeintotheUnionatonce？Theyarefit，ashethinks，todecideupontheslaveryquestion，——thelargestandmostimportantwithwhichtheycouldpossiblydeal：whatcouldtheydobycomingintotheUnionthattheyarenotfittodo，accordingtohisview，bystayingoutofit？Oh，theyarenotfittositinCongressanddecideupontheratesofpostage，orquestionsofadvaloremorspecificdutiesonforeigngoods，orlive—oaktimbercontracts，theyarenotfittodecidethesevastlyimportantmatters，whicharenationalintheirimport，buttheyarefit，"fromthejump，"todecidethislittlenegroquestion。

But，gentlemen，thecaseistooplain；Ioccupytoomuchtimeonthishead，andIpasson。

Nearthecloseofthecopyrightessay，thejudge，Ithink，comesverynearkickinghisownfatintothefire。Ididnotthink，whenI

commencedtheseremarks，thatIwouldreadthatarticle，butInowbelieveIwill：

"ThisexpositionofthehistoryofthesemeasuresshowsconclusivelythattheauthorsoftheCompromisemeasuresof1850andoftheKansas—NebraskaActof1854，aswellasthemembersoftheContinentalCongressof1774。，andthefoundersofoursystemofgovernmentsubsequenttotheRevolution，regardedthepeopleoftheTerritoriesandColoniesaspoliticalcommunitieswhichwereentitledtoafreeandexclusivepoweroflegislationintheirprovisionallegislatures，wheretheirrepresentationcouldalonebepreserved，inallcasesoftaxationandinternalpolity。"

Whenthejudgesawthatputtingintheword"slavery"wouldcontradicthisownhistory，heputinwhatheknewwouldpasssynonymouswithit，"internalpolity。"Wheneverwefindthatinoneofhisspeeches，thesubstituteisusedinthismanner；andIcantellyouthereason。Itwouldbetoobaldacontradictiontosayslavery；but"internalpolity"isageneralphrase，whichwouldpassinsomequarters，andwhichhehopeswillpasswiththereadingcommunityforthesamething。

"Thisrightpertainstothepeoplecollectively，asalaw—abidingandpeacefulcommunity，andnotintheisolatedindividualswhomaywanderuponthepublicdomaininviolationofthelaw。Itcanonlybeexercisedwherethereareinhabitantssufficienttoconstituteagovernment，andcapableofperformingitsvariousfunctionsandduties，——afacttobeascertainedanddeterminedby"whodoyouthink？JudgeDouglassays"byCongress！""Whetherthenumbershallbefixedatten，fifteenortwentythousandinhabitants，doesnotaffecttheprinciple。"

Now，Ihaveonlyafewcommentstomake。Popularsovereignty，byhisownwords，doesnotpertaintothefewpersonswhowanderuponthepublicdomaininviolationoflaw。Wehavehiswordsforthat。Whenitdoespertaintothem，iswhentheyaresufficienttobeformedintoanorganizedpoliticalcommunity，andhefixestheminimumforthatattenthousand，andthemaximumattwentythousand。Now，I

wouldliketoknowwhatistobedonewiththeninethousand？Aretheyalltobetreated，untiltheyarelargeenoughtobeorganizedintoapoliticalcommunity，aswanderersuponthepublicland，inviolationoflaw？Andifsotreatedanddrivenout，atwhatpointoftimewouldthereeverbetenthousand？Iftheywerenotdrivenout，butremainedthereastrespassersuponthepubliclandinviolationofthelaw，cantheyestablishslaverythere？No；thejudgesayspopularsovereigntydon’tpertaintothemthen。Cantheyexcludeitthen？No；popularsovereigntydon’tpertaintothemthen。Iwouldliketoknow，inthecasecoveredbytheessay，whatconditionthepeopleoftheTerritoryareinbeforetheyreachthenumberoftenthousand？

ButthemainpointIwishtoaskattentiontois，thatthequestionastowhentheyshallhavereachedasufficientnumbertobeformedintoaregularorganizedcommunityistobedecided"byCongress。"

JudgeDouglassaysso。Well，gentlemen，thatisaboutallwewant。

No，thatisalltheSouthernerswant。Thatiswhatallthosewhoareforslaverywant。TheydonotwantCongresstoprohibitslaveryfromcomingintothenewTerritories，andtheydonotwantpopularsovereigntytohinderit；andasCongressistosaywhentheyarereadytobeorganized，allthattheSouthhastodoistogetCongresstoholdoff。LetCongressholdoffuntiltheyarereadytobeadmittedasaState，andtheSouthhasallitwantsintakingslaveryintoandplantingitinalltheTerritoriesthatwenowhaveorhereaftermayhave。Inaword，thewholething，atadashofthepen，isatlastputinthepowerofCongress；foriftheydonothavethispopularsovereigntyuntilCongressorganizesthem，IaskifitatlastdoesnotcomefromCongress？If，atlast，itamountstoanythingatall，Congressgivesittothem。Isubmitthisratherforyourreflectionthanforcomment。Afterallthatissaid，atlast，byadashofthepen，everythingthathasgonebeforeisundone，andheputsthewholequestionunderthecontrolofCongress。Afterfightingthroughmorethanthreehours，ifyouundertaketoreadit，heatlastplacesthewholematterunderthecontrolofthatpowerwhichhehasbeencontendingagainst，andarrivesataresultdirectlycontrarytowhathehadbeenlaboringtodo。HeatlastleavesthewholemattertothecontrolofCongress。

Therearetwomainobjects，asIunderstandit，ofthisHarper’sMagazineessay。Onewastoshow，ifpossible，thatthemenofourRevolutionarytimeswereinfavorofhispopularsovereignty，andtheotherwastoshowthattheDredScottdecisionhadnotentirelysquelchedoutthispopularsovereignty。Idonotpropose，inregardtothisargumentdrawnfromthehistoryofformertimes，toenterintoadetailedexaminationofthehistoricalstatementshehasmade。

Ihavetheimpressionthattheyareinaccurateinagreatmanyinstances，——sometimesinpositivestatement，butverymuchmoreinaccuratebythesuppressionofstatementsthatreallybelongtothehistory。ButIdonotproposetoaffirmthatthisissotoanyverygreatextent，ortoenterintoaveryminuteexaminationofhishistoricalstatements。Iavoiddoingsouponthisprinciple，——thatifitwereimportantformetopassoutofthislotintheleastperiodoftimepossible，andIcametothatfence，andsawbyacalculationofmyknownstrengthandagilitythatIcouldclearitatabound，itwouldbefollyformetostopandconsiderwhetherI

couldornotcrawlthroughacrack。SoIsayofthewholehistorycontainedinhisessaywhereheendeavoredtolinkthemenoftheRevolutiontopopularsovereignty。Itonlyrequiresanefforttoleapoutofit，asingleboundtobeentirelysuccessful。Ifyoureaditover，youwillfindthathequoteshereandtherefromdocumentsoftheRevolutionarytimes，tendingtoshowthatthepeopleofthecoloniesweredesirousofregulatingtheirownconcernsintheirownway，thattheBritishGovernmentshouldnotinterfere；thatatonetimetheystruggledwiththeBritishGovernmenttobepermittedtoexcludetheAfricanslavetrade，——ifnotdirectly，tobepermittedtoexcludeitindirectly，bytaxationsufficienttodiscourageanddestroyit。Fromtheseandmanythingsofthissort，judgeDouglasarguesthattheywereinfavorofthepeopleofourownTerritoriesexcludingslaveryiftheywantedto，orplantingitthereiftheywantedto，doingjustastheypleasedfromthetimetheysettledupontheTerritory。Now，howeverhishistorymayapplyandwhateverofhisargumenttheremaybethatissoundandaccurateorunsoundandinaccurate，ifwecanfindoutwhatthesemendidthemselvesdouponthisveryquestionofslaveryintheTerritories，doesitnotendthewholething？If，afterallthislaborandefforttoshowthatthemenoftheRevolutionwereinfavorofhispopularsovereigntyandhismodeofdealingwithslaveryintheTerritories，wecanshowthattheseverymentookholdofthatsubject，anddealtwithit，wecanseeforourselveshowtheydealtwithit。Itisnotamatterofargumentorinference，butweknowwhattheythoughtaboutit。

ItispreciselyuponthatpartofthehistoryofthecountrythatoneimportantomissionismadebyJudgeDouglas。HeselectspartsofthehistoryoftheUnitedStatesuponthesubjectofslavery，andtreatsitasthewhole，omittingfromhishistoricalsketchthelegislationofCongressinregardtotheadmissionofMissouri，bywhichtheMissouriCompromisewasestablishedandslaveryexcludedfromacountryhalfaslargeasthepresentUnitedStates。Allthisisleftoutofhishistory，andinnowisealludedtobyhim，sofarasIcanremember，saveonce，whenhemakesaremark，thatuponhisprincipletheSupremeCourtwereauthorizedtopronounceadecisionthattheactcalledtheMissouriCompromisewasunconstitutional。Allthathistoryhasbeenleftout。ButthispartofthehistoryofthecountrywasnotmadebythemenoftheRevolution。

Therewasanotherpartofourpoliticalhistory，madebytheverymenwhoweretheactorsintheRevolution，whichhastakenthenameoftheOrdinanceof’87。Letmebringthathistorytoyourattention。

In1784，Ibelieve，thissameMr。Jeffersondrewupanordinanceforthegovernmentofthecountryuponwhichwenowstand，or，rather，aframeordraftofanordinanceforthegovernmentofthiscountry，hereinOhio，ourneighborsinIndiana，uswholiveinIllinois，ourneighborsinWisconsinandMichigan。Inthatordinance，drawnupnotonlyforthegovernmentofthatTerritory，butfortheTerritoriessouthoftheOhioRiver，Mr。Jeffersonexpresslyprovidedfortheprohibitionofslavery。JudgeDouglassays，andperhapsisright，thatthatprovisionwaslostfromthatordinance。Ibelievethatistrue。Whenthevotewastakenuponit，amajorityofallpresentintheCongressoftheConfederationvotedforit；butthereweresomanyabsenteesthatthosevotingforitdidnotmaketheclearmajoritynecessary，anditwaslost。Butthreeyearsafterthat，theCongressoftheConfederationweretogetheragain，andtheyadoptedanewordinanceforthegovernmentofthisNorthwestTerritory，notcontemplatingterritorysouthoftheriver，fortheStatesowningthatterritoryhadhithertorefrainedfromgivingittotheGeneralGovernment；hencetheymadetheordinancetoapplyonlytowhattheGovernmentowned。Infact，theprovisionexcludingslaverywasinsertedaside，passedunanimously，oratanyrateitpassedandbecameapartofthelawoftheland。Underthatordinancewelive。

FirsthereinOhioyouwereaTerritory；thenanenablingactwaspassed，authorizingyoutoformaconstitutionandStateGovernment，provideditwasrepublicanandnotinconflictwiththeOrdinanceof’87。Whenyouframedyourconstitutionandpresenteditforadmission，Ithinkyouwillfindthelegislationuponthesubjectwillshowthat，whereasyouhadformedaconstitutionthatwasrepublican，andnotinconflictwiththeOrdinanceof’87，thereforeyouwereadmitteduponequalfootingwiththeoriginalStates。ThesameprocessinafewyearswasgonethroughwithinIndiana，andsowithIllinois，andthesamesubstantiallywithMichiganandWisconsin。

NotonlydidthatOrdinanceprevail，butitwasconstantlylookedtowheneverastepwastakenbyanewTerritorytobecomeaState。

Congressalwaysturnedtheirattentiontoit，andinalltheirmovementsuponthissubjecttheytracedtheircoursebythatOrdinanceof’87。WhentheyadmittednewStates，theyadvertisedthemofthisOrdinance，asapartofthelegislationofthecountry。

TheydidsobecausetheyhadtracedtheOrdinanceof’87throughoutthehistoryofthiscountry。BeginwiththemenoftheRevolution，andgodownforsixtyentireyears，anduntilthelastscrapofthatTerritorycomesintotheUnionintheformoftheStateofWisconsin，everythingwasmadetoconformwiththeOrdinanceof’87，excludingslaveryfromthatvastextentofcountry。

IomittedtomentionintherightplacethattheConstitutionoftheUnitedStateswasinprocessofbeingframedwhenthatOrdinancewasmadebytheCongressoftheConfederation；andoneofthefirstActsofCongressitself，underthenewConstitutionitself，wastogiveforcetothatOrdinancebyputtingpowertocarryitoutinthehandsofthenewofficersundertheConstitution，intheplaceoftheoldones，whohadbeenlegislatedoutofexistencebythechangeintheGovernmentfromtheConfederationtotheConstitution。Notonlyso，butIbelieveIndianaonceortwice，ifnotOhio，petitionedtheGeneralGovernmentfortheprivilegeofsuspendingthatprovisionandallowingthemtohaveslaves。AreportmadebyMr。Randolph，ofVirginia，himselfaslaveholder，wasdirectlyagainstit，andtheactionwastorefusethemtheprivilegeofviolatingtheOrdinanceof’87。

Thisperiodofhistory，whichIhaverunoverbriefly，is，Ipresume，asfamiliartomostofthisassemblyasanyotherpartofthehistoryofourcountry。IsupposethatfewofmyhearersarenotasfamiliarwiththatpartofhistoryasIam，andIonlymentionittorecallyourattentiontoitatthistime。AndhenceIaskhowextraordinaryathingitisthatamanwhohasoccupiedapositionupontheflooroftheSenateoftheUnitedStates，whoisnowinhisthirdterm，andwholookstoseethegovernmentofthiswholecountryfallintohisownhands，pretendingtogiveatruthfulandaccuratehistoryotheslaveryquestioninthiscountry，shouldsoentirelyignorethewholeofthatportionofourhistory——themostimportantofall。Isitnotamostextraordinaryspectaclethatamanshouldstandupandaskforanyconfidenceinhisstatementswhosetsoutashedoeswithportionsofhistory，callinguponthepeopletobelievethatitisatrueandfairrepresentation，whentheleadingpartandcontrollingfeatureofthewholehistoryiscarefullysuppressed？

Butthemereleavingoutisnotthemostremarkablefeatureofthismostremarkableessay。HispropositionistoestablishthattheleadingmenoftheRevolutionwereforhisgreatprincipleofnoninterventionbythegovernmentinthequestionofslaveryintheTerritories，whilehistoryshowsthattheydecided，inthecasesactuallybroughtbeforethem，inexactlythecontraryway，andheknowsit。Notonlydidtheysodecideatthattime，buttheystucktoitduringsixtyyears，throughthickandthin，aslongastherewasoneoftheRevolutionaryheroesuponthestageofpoliticalaction。Throughtheirwholecourse，fromfirsttolast，theyclungtofreedom。AndnowheasksthecommunitytobelievethatthemenoftheRevolutionwereinfavorofhisgreatprinciple，whenwehavethenakedhistorythattheythemselvesdealtwiththisverysubjectmatterofhisprinciple，andutterlyrepudiatedhisprinciple，actinguponapreciselycontraryground。ItisasimpudentandabsurdasifaprosecutingattorneyshouldstandupbeforeajuryandaskthemtoconvictAasthemurdererofB，whileBwaswalkingalivebeforethem。

Isay，again，ifjudgeDouglasassertsthatthemenoftheRevolutionacteduponprinciplesbywhich，tobeconsistentwiththemselves，theyoughttohaveadoptedhispopularsovereignty，then，uponaconsiderationofhisownargument，hehadarighttomake，youbelievethattheyunderstoodtheprinciplesofgovernment，butmisappliedthem，thathehasarisentoenlightentheworldastothejustapplicationofthisprinciple。Hehasarighttotrytopersuadeyouthatheunderstandstheirprinciplesbetterthantheydid，and，therefore，hewillapplythemnow，notastheydid，butastheyoughttohavedone。Hehasarighttogobeforethecommunityandtrytoconvincethemofthis，buthehasnorighttoattempttoimposeuponanyonethebeliefthatthesementhemselvesapprovedofhisgreatprinciple。Therearetwowaysofestablishingaproposition。Oneisbytryingtodemonstrateituponreason，andtheotheris，toshowthatgreatmeninformertimeshavethoughtsoandso，andthustopassitbytheweightofpureauthority。Now，ifJudgeDouglaswilldemonstratesomehowthatthisispopularsovereignty，——therightofonemantomakeaslaveofanother，withoutanyrightinthatotheroranyoneelsetoobject，—

—demonstrateitasEucliddemonstratedpropositions，——thereisnoobjection。Butwhenhecomesforward，seekingtocarryaprinciplebybringingtoittheauthorityofmenwhothemselvesutterlyrepudiatethatprinciple，Iaskthatheshallnotbepermittedtodoit。

Isee，inthejudge’sspeechhere，ashortsentenceinthesewords：

"Ourfathers，whentheyformedthisgovernmentunderwhichwelive，understoodthisquestionjustaswell，andevenbetterthan，wedonow。"Thatistrue；Isticktothat。IwillstandbyJudgeDouglasinthattothebitterend。Andnow，JudgeDouglas，comeandstandbyme，andtruthfullyshowhowtheyacted，understandingitbetterthanwedo。AllIaskofyou，JudgeDouglas，istosticktothepropositionthatthemenoftheRevolutionunderstoodthissubjectbetterthanwedonow，andwiththatbetterunderstandingtheyactedbetterthanyouaretryingtoactnow。

IwishtosaysomethingnowinregardtotheDredScottdecision，asdealtwithbyJudgeDouglas。Inthat"memorabledebate"betweenJudgeDouglasandmyself，lastyear，thejudgethoughtfittocommenceaprocessofcatechisingme，andatFreeportIansweredhisquestions，andpropoundedsometohim。AmongotherspropoundedtohimwasonethatIhaveherenow。Thesubstance，asIrememberit，is，"CanthepeopleofaUnitedStatesTerritory，undertheDredScottdecision，inanylawfulway，againstthewishofanycitizenoftheUnitedStates，excludeslaveryfromitslimits，priortotheformationofaStateconstitution？"HeansweredthattheycouldlawfullyexcludeslaveryfromtheUnitedStatesTerritories，notwithstandingtheDredScotdecision。Therewassomethingaboutthatanswerthathasprobablybeenatroubletothejudgeeversince。

TheDredScottdecisionexpresslygiveseverycitizenoftheUnitedStatesarighttocarryhisslavesintotheUnitedStatesTerritories。Andnowtherewassomeinconsistencyinsayingthatthedecisionwasright，andsaying，too，thatthepeopleoftheTerritorycouldlawfullydriveslaveryoutagain。Whenallthetrash，thewords，thecollateralmatter，wasclearedawayfromit，allthechaffwasfannedoutofit，itwasabareabsurdity，——nolessthanthatathingmaybelawfullydrivenawayfromwhereithasalawfulrighttobe。Clearitofalltheverbiage，andthatisthenakedtruthofhisproposition，——thatathingmaybelawfullydrivenfromtheplacewhereithasalawfulrighttostay。Well，itwasbecausethejudgecouldn’thelpseeingthisthathehashadsomuchtroublewithit；

andwhatIwanttoaskyourespecialattentionto，justnow，istoremindyou，ifyouhavenotnoticedthefact，thatthejudgedoesnotanylongersaythatthepeoplecanexcludeslavery。Hedoesnotsaysointhecopyrightessay；hedidnotsaysointhespeechthathemadehere；and，sofarasIknow，sincehisre—electiontotheSenatehehasneversaid，ashedidatFreeport，thatthepeopleoftheTerritoriescanexcludeslavery。Hedesiresthatyou，whowishtheTerritoriestoremainfree，shouldbelievethathestandsbythatposition；buthedoesnotsayithimself。HeescapestosomeextenttheabsurdpositionIhavestated，bychanginghislanguageentirely。

Whathesaysnowissomethingdifferentinlanguage，andwewillconsiderwhetheritisnotdifferentinsensetoo。ItisnowthattheDredScottdecision，orrathertheConstitutionunderthatdecision，doesnotcarryslaveryintotheTerritoriesbeyondthepowerofthepeopleoftheTerritoriestocontrolitasotherproperty。Hedoesnotsaythepeoplecandriveitout，buttheycancontrolitasotherproperty。Thelanguageisdifferent；weshouldconsiderwhetherthesenseisdifferent。Drivingahorseoutofthislotistooplainapropositiontobemistakenabout；itisputtinghimontheothersideofthefence。Oritmightbeasortofexclusionofhimfromthelotifyouweretokillhimandletthewormsdevourhim；butneitherofthesethingsisthesameas"controllinghimasotherproperty。"Thatwouldbetofeedhim，topamperhim，toridehim，touseandabusehim，tomakethemostmoneyoutofhim，"asotherproperty"；but，pleaseyou，whatdothemenwhoareinfavorofslaverywantmorethanthis？Whatdotheyreallywant，otherthanthatslavery，beingintheTerritories，shallbecontrolledasotherproperty？Iftheywantanythingelse，Idonotcomprehendit。Iaskyourattentiontothis，first，forthepurposeofpointingoutthechangeofgroundthejudgehasmade；and，inthesecondplace，theimportanceofthechange，——thatthatchangeisnotsuchastogiveyougentlemenwhowanthispopularsovereigntythepowertoexcludetheinstitutionordriveitoutatall。Iknowthejudgesometimessquintsattheargumentthatincontrollingitasotherpropertybyunfriendlylegislationtheymaycontrolittodeath；asyoumight，inthecaseofahorse，perhaps，feedhimsolightlyandridehimsomuchthathewoulddie。Butwhenyoucometolegislativecontrol，thereissomethingmoretobeattendedto。I

havenodoubt，myself，thatiftheTerritoriesshouldundertaketocontrolslavepropertyasotherpropertythatis，controlitinsuchawaythatitwouldbethemostvaluableasproperty，andmakeitbearitsjustproportioninthewayofburdensasproperty，reallydealwithitasproperty，——theSupremeCourtoftheUnitedStateswillsay，"Godspeedyou，andamen。"ButIundertaketogivetheopinion，atleast，thatiftheTerritoriesattemptbyanydirectlegislationtodrivethemanwithhisslaveoutoftheTerritory，ortodecidethathisslaveisfreebecauseofhisbeingtakeninthere，ortotaxhimtosuchanextentthathecannotkeephimthere，theSupremeCourtwillunhesitatinglydecideallsuchlegislationunconstitutional，aslongasthatSupremeCourtisconstructedastheDredScottSupremeCourtis。Thefirsttwothingstheyhavealreadydecided，exceptthatthereisalittlequibbleamonglawyersbetweenthewords"dicta"and"decision。"TheyhavealreadydecidedanegrocannotbemadefreebyTerritoriallegislation。

WhatistheDredScottdecision？JudgeDouglaslaborstoshowthatitisonething，whileIthinkitisaltogetherdifferent。Itisalongopinion，butitisallembodiedinthisshortstatement："TheConstitutionoftheUnitedStatesforbidsCongresstodepriveamanofhisproperty，withoutdueprocessoflaw；therightofpropertyinslavesisdistinctlyandexpresslyaffirmedinthatConstitution：

therefore，ifCongressshallundertaketosaythataman’sslaveisnolongerhisslavewhenhecrossesacertainlineintoaTerritory，thatisdeprivinghimofhispropertywithoutdueprocessoflaw，andisunconstitutional。"ThereisthewholeDredScottdecision。TheyaddthatifCongresscannotdosoitself，Congresscannotconferanypowertodoso；andhenceanyeffortbytheTerritorialLegislaturetodoeitherofthesethingsisabsolutelydecidedagainst。Itisaforegoneconclusionbythatcourt。

Now，astothisindirectmodeby"unfriendlylegislation，"alllawyersherewillreadilyunderstandthatsuchapropositioncannotbetoleratedforamoment，becausealegislaturecannotindirectlydothatwhichitcannotaccomplishdirectly。ThenIsayanylegislationtocontrolthisproperty，asproperty，foritsbenefitasproperty，wouldbehailedbythisDredScottSupremeCourt，andfullysustained；butanylegislationdrivingslavepropertyout，ordestroyingitasproperty，directlyorindirectly，willmostassuredly，bythatcourt，beheldunconstitutional。

JudgeDouglassaysiftheConstitutioncarriesslaveryintotheTerritories，beyondthepowerofthepeopleoftheTerritoriestocontrolitasotherproperty；thenitfollowslogicallythateveryonewhoswearstosupporttheConstitutionoftheUnitedStatesmustgivethatsupporttothatpropertywhichitneeds。And，iftheConstitutioncarriesslaveryintotheTerritories，beyondthepowerofthepeople，tocontrolitasotherproperty，thenitalsocarriesitintotheStates，becausetheConstitutionisthesupremelawoftheland。Now，gentlemen，ifitwerenotformyexcessivemodesty，I

wouldsaythatItoldthatverythingtoJudgeDouglasquiteayearago。Thisargumentishereinprint，andifitwerenotformymodesty，asIsaid，Imightcallyourattentiontoit。Ifyoureadit，youwillfindthatInotonlymadethatargument，butmadeitbetterthanhehasmadeitsince。

Thereis，however，thisdifference：Isaynow，andsaidthen，thereisnosortofquestionthattheSupremeCourthasdecidedthatitistherightoftheslaveholdertotakehisslaveandholdhimintheTerritory；andsayingthis，judgeDouglashimselfadmitstheconclusion。Hesaysifthatisso，thisconsequencewillfollow；andbecausethisconsequencewouldfollow，hisargumentis，thedecisioncannot，therefore，bethatway，——"thatwouldspoilmypopularsovereignty；anditcannotbepossiblethatthisgreatprinciplehasbeensquelchedoutinthisextraordinaryway。Itmightbe，ifitwerenotfortheextraordinaryconsequencesofspoilingmyhumbug。"

Anotherfeatureofthejudge’sargumentabouttheDredScottcaseis，anefforttoshowthatthatdecisiondealsaltogetherindeclarationsofnegatives；thattheConstitutiondoesnotaffirmanythingasexpoundedbytheDredScottdecision，butitonlydeclaresawantofpoweratotalabsenceofpower，inreferencetotheTerritories。ItseemstobehispurposetomakethewholeofthatdecisiontoresultinamerenegativedeclarationofawantofpowerinCongresstodoanythinginrelationtothismatterintheTerritories。IknowtheopinionoftheJudgesstatesthatthereisatotalabsenceofpower；

butthatis，unfortunately；notallitstates：forthejudgesaddthattherightofpropertyinaslaveisdistinctlyandexpresslyaffirmedintheConstitution。ItdoesnotstopatsayingthattherightofpropertyinaslaveisrecognizedintheConstitution，isdeclaredtoexistsomewhereintheConstitution，butsaysitisaffirmedintheConstitution。ItslanguageisequivalenttosayingthatitisembodiedandsowoveninthatinstrumentthatitcannotbedetachedwithoutbreakingtheConstitutionitself。Inaword，itispartoftheConstitution。

Douglasissingularlyunfortunateinhisefforttomakeoutthatdecisiontobealtogethernegative，whentheexpresslanguageatthevitalpartisthatthisisdistinctlyaffirmedintheConstitution。

Ithinkmyself，andIrepeatithere，thatthisdecisiondoesnotmerelycarryslaveryintotheTerritories，butbyitslogicalconclusionitcarriesitintotheStatesinwhichwelive。OneprovisionofthatConstitutionis，thatitshallbethesupremelawoftheland，——Idonotquotethelanguage，——anyconstitutionorlawofanyStatetothecontrarynotwithstanding。ThisDredScottdecisionsaysthattherightofpropertyinaslaveisaffirmedinthatConstitutionwhichisthesupremelawoftheland，anyStateconstitutionorlawnotwithstanding。ThenIsaythattodestroyathingwhichisdistinctlyaffirmedandsupportedbythesupremelawoftheland，evenbyaStateconstitutionorlaw，isaviolationofthatsupremelaw，andthereisnoescapefromit。Inmyjudgmentthereisnoavoidingthatresult，savethattheAmericanpeopleshallseethatconstitutionsarebetterconstruedthanourConstitutionisconstruedinthatdecision。Theymusttakecarethatitismorefaithfullyandtrulycarriedoutthanitisthereexpounded。

Imusthastentoaconclusion。NearthebeginningofmyremarksI

saidthatthisinsidiousDouglaspopularsovereigntyisthemeasurethatnowthreatensthepurposeoftheRepublicanpartytopreventslaveryfrombeingnationalizedintheUnitedStates。Iproposetoaskyourattentionforalittlewhiletosomepropositionsinaffirmanceofthatstatement。Takeitjustasitstands，andapplyitasaprinciple；extendandapplythatprincipleelsewhere；andconsiderwhereitwillleadyou。Inowputthisproposition，thatJudgeDouglas’spopularsovereigntyappliedwillreopentheAfricanslavetrade；andIwilldemonstrateitbyanyvarietyofwaysinwhichyoucanturnthesubjectorlookatit。

TheJudgesaysthatthepeopleoftheTerritorieshavetheright，byhisprinciple，tohaveslaves，iftheywantthem。ThenIsaythatthepeopleinGeorgiahavetherighttobuyslavesinAfrica，iftheywantthem；andIdefyanymanonearthtoshowanydistinctionbetweenthetwothings，——toshowthattheoneiseithermorewickedormoreunlawful；toshow，onoriginalprinciples，thatoneisbetterorworsethantheother；ortoshow，bytheConstitution，thatonediffersawhitfromtheother。Hewilltellme，doubtless，thatthereisnoconstitutionalprovisionagainstpeopletakingslavesintothenewTerritories，andItellhimthatthereisequallynoconstitutionalprovisionagainstbuyingslavesinAfrica。Hewilltellyouthatapeople，intheexerciseofpopularsovereignty，oughttodoastheypleaseaboutthatthing，andhaveslavesiftheywantthem；andItellyouthatthepeopleofGeorgiaareasmuchentitledtopopularsovereigntyandtobuyslavesinAfrica，iftheywantthem，asthepeopleoftheTerritoryaretohaveslavesiftheywantthem。Iaskanyman，dealinghonestlywithhimself，topointoutadistinction。

IhaverecentlyseenaletterofJudgeDouglas’sinwhich，withoutstatingthattobetheobject，hedoubtlessendeavorstomakeadistinctionbetweenthetwo。HesaysheisunalterablyopposedtotherepealofthelawsagainsttheAfricanslavetrade。Andwhy？HethenseekstogiveareasonthatwouldnotapplytohispopularsovereigntyintheTerritories。Whatisthatreason？"TheabolitionoftheAfricanslavetradeisacompromiseoftheConstitution！"I

denyit。ThereisnotruthinthepropositionthattheabolitionoftheAfricanslavetradeisacompromiseoftheConstitution。NomancanputhisfingeronanythingintheConstitution，oronthelineofhistory，whichshowsit。Itisamerebarrenassertion，madesimplyforthepurposeofgettingupadistinctionbetweentherevivaloftheAfricanslavetradeandhis"greatprinciple。"

AtthetimetheConstitutionoftheUnitedStateswasadopted，itwasexpectedthattheslavetradewouldbeabolished。Ishouldassertandinsistuponthat，ifjudgeDouglasdeniedit。ButIknowthatitwasequallyexpectedthatslaverywouldbeexcludedfromtheTerritories，andIcanshowbyhistorythatinregardtothesetwothingspublicopinionwasexactlyalike，whileinregardtopositiveaction，therewasmoredoneintheOrdinanceof’87toresistthespreadofslaverythanwaseverdonetoabolishtheforeignslavetrade。LestIbemisunderstood，IsayagainthatatthetimeoftheformationoftheConstitution，publicexpectationwasthattheslavetradewouldbeabolished，butnomoresothanthespreadofslaveryintheTerritoriesshouldberestrained。Theystandalike，exceptthatintheOrdinanceof’87therewasamarkleftbypublicopinion，showingthatitwasmorecommittedagainstthespreadofslaveryintheTerritoriesthanagainsttheforeignslavetrade。

Compromise！Whatwordofcompromisewasthereaboutit？Why，thepublicsensewastheninfavoroftheabolitionoftheslavetrade；

buttherewasatthetimeaverygreatcommercialinterestinvolvedinit，andextensivecapitalinthatbranchoftrade。ThereweredoubtlesstheincipientstagesofimprovementintheSouthinthewayoffarming，dependentontheslavetrade，andtheymadeapropositiontoCongresstoabolishthetradeafterallowingittwentyyears，——asufficienttimeforthecapitalandcommerceengagedinittobetransferredtootherchannel。Theymadenoprovisionthatitshouldbeabolishedintwentyyears；Idonotdoubtthattheyexpecteditwouldbe，buttheymadenobargainaboutit。Thepublicsentimentleftnodoubtinthemindsofanythatitwouldbedoneaway。I

repeat，thereisnothinginthehistoryofthosetimesinfavorofthatmatterbeingacompromiseoftheconstitution。Itwasthepublicexpectationatthetime，manifestedinathousandways，thatthespreadofslaveryshouldalsoberestricted。

ThenIsay，ifthisprincipleisestablished，thatthereisnowronginslavery，andwhoeverwantsithasarighttohaveit，isamatterofdollarsandcents，asortofquestionastohowtheyshalldealwithbrutes，thatbetweenusandthenegroherethereisnosortofquestion，butthatattheSouththequestionisbetweenthenegroandthecrocodile，thatisall，itisamerematterofpolicy，thereisaperfectright，accordingtointerest，todojustasyouplease，——whenthisisdone，wherethisdoctrineprevails，theminersandsapperswillhaveformedpublicopinionfortheslavetrade。TheywillbereadyforJeff。DavisandStephensandotherleadersofthatcompanytosoundthebuglefortherevivaloftheslavetrade，forthesecondDredScottdecision，forthefloodofslaverytobepouredoverthefreeStates，whileweshallbeheretieddownandhelplessandrunoverlikesheep。

ItistobeapartandparcelofthissameideatosaytomenwhowanttoadheretotheDemocraticparty，whohavealwaysbelongedtothatparty，andareonlylookingaboutforsomeexcusetosticktoit，butneverthelesshateslavery，thatDouglas’spopularsovereigntyisasgoodawayasanytoopposeslavery。Theyallowthemselvestobepersuadedeasily，inaccordancewiththeirpreviousdispositions，intothisbelief，thatitisaboutasgoodawayofopposingslaveryasany，andwecandothatwithoutstrainingouroldpartytiesorbreakingupoldpoliticalassociations。Wecandosowithoutbeingcallednegro—worshipers。Wecandothatwithoutbeingsubjectedtothejibesandsneersthataresoreadilythrownoutinplaceofargumentwherenoarguementcanbefound。Soletussticktothispopularsovereignty，——thisinsidiouspopularsovereignty。

Nowletmecallyourattentiontoonethingthathasreallyhappened，whichshowsthisgradualandsteadydebauchingofpublicopinion，thiscourseofpreparationfortherevivaloftheslavetrade，fortheTerritorialslavecode，andthenewDredScottdecisionthatistocarryslaveryintotheFreeStates。Didyouever，fiveyearsago，hearofanybodyintheworldsayingthatthenegrohadnoshareintheDeclarationofNationalIndependence；thatitdoesnotmeannegroesatall；andwhen"allmen"werespokenof，negroeswerenotincluded？

Iamsatisfiedthatfiveyearsagothatpropositionwasnotputuponpaperbyanylivingbeinganywhere。Ihavebeenunableatanytimetofindamaninanaudiencewhowoulddeclarethathehadeverknownofanybodysayingsofiveyearsago。ButlastyeartherewasnotaDouglaspopularsovereigninIllinoiswhodidnotsayit。IsthereoneinOhiobutdeclareshisfirmbeliefthattheDeclarationofIndependencedidnotmeannegroesatall？Idonotknowhowthisis；

Ihavenotbeenheremuch；butIpresumeyouareverymuchalikeeverywhere。ThenIsupposethatallnowexpressthebeliefthattheDeclarationofIndependenceneverdidmeannegroes。Icallupononeofthemtosaythathesaiditfiveyearsago。

Ifyouthinkthatnow，anddidnotthinkitthen，thenextthingthatstrikesmeistoremarkthattherehasbeenachangewroughtinyou，—

—andaverysignificantchangeitis，beingnolessthanchangingthenegro，inyourestimation，fromtherankofamantothatofabrute。

Theyaretakinghimdownandplacinghim，whenspokenof，amongreptilesandcrocodiles，asJudgeDouglashimselfexpressesit。

Isnotthischangewroughtinyourmindsaveryimportantchange？

Publicopinioninthiscountryiseverything。Inanationlikeours，thispopularsovereigntyandsquattersovereigntyhavealreadywroughtachangeinthepublicmindtotheextentIhavestated。

Thereisnomaninthiscrowdwhocancontradictit。

Now，ifyouareopposedtoslaveryhonestly，asmuchasanybody，I

askyoutonotethatfact，andthelikeofwhichistofollow，tobeplasteredon，layerafterlayer，untilverysoonyouarepreparedtodealwiththenegroeverywhereaswiththebrute。Ifpublicsentimenthasnotbeendebauchedalreadytothispoint，anewturnofthescrewinthatdirectionisallthatiswanting；andthisisconstantlybeingdonebytheteachersofthisinsidiouspopularsovereignty。Youneedbutoneortwoturnsfurther，untilyourminds，nowripeningundertheseteachings，willbereadyforallthesethings，andyouwillreceiveandsupport，orsubmitto，theslavetrade，revivedwithallitshorrors，aslavecodeenforcedinourTerritories，andanewDredScottdecisiontobringslaveryupintotheveryheartofthefreeNorth。This，Imustsay，isbutcarryingoutthosewordspropheticallyspokenbyMr。Clay，——many，manyyearsago，——Ibelievemorethanthirtyyears，whenhetoldanaudiencethatiftheywouldrepressalltendenciestolibertyandultimateemancipationtheymustgobacktotheeraofourindependence，andmuzzlethecannonwhichthundereditsannualjoyousreturnontheFourthofJuly；theymustblowoutthemorallightsaroundus；theymustpenetratethehumansoul，anderadicatetheloveofliberty：butuntiltheydidthesethings，andotherseloquentlyenumeratedbyhim，theycouldnotrepressalltendenciestoultimateemancipation。

Iaskattentiontothefactthatinapre—eminentdegreethesepopularsovereignsareatthiswork：blowingoutthemorallightsaroundus；teachingthatthenegroisnolongeraman，butabrute；

thattheDeclarationhasnothingtodowithhim；thatherankswiththecrocodileandthereptile；thatman，withbodyandsoul，isamatterofdollarsandcents。IsuggesttothisportionoftheOhioRepublicans，orDemocrats，iftherebeanypresent，theseriousconsiderationofthisfactthatthereisnowgoingonamongyouasteadyprocessofdebauchingpublicopiniononthissubject。Withthis，myfriends，Ibidyouadieu。

SPEECHATCINCINNATIOHIO，SEPTEMBER17，1859

MyFellow—CitizensoftheStateofOhio：ThisisthefirsttimeinmylifethatIhaveappearedbeforeanaudienceinsogreatacityasthis：Itherefore——thoughIamnolongerayoungman——makethisappearanceundersomedegreeofembarrassment。ButIhavefoundthatwhenoneisembarrassed，usuallytheshortestwaytogetthroughwithitistoquittalkingorthinkingaboutit，andgoatsomethingelse。

IunderstandthatyouhavehadrecentlywithyoumyverydistinguishedfriendJudgeDouglas，ofIllinois；andIunderstand，withouthavinghadanopportunity(notgreatlysought，tobesure)ofseeingareportofthespeechthathemadehere，thathedidmethehonortomentionmyhumblename。Isupposethathedidsoforthepurposeofmakingsomeobjectiontosomesentimentatsometimeexpressedbyme。Ishouldexpect，itistrue，thatjudgeDouglashadremindedyou，orinformedyou，ifyouhadneverbeforeheardit，thatIhadonceinmylifedeclareditasmyopinionthatthisgovernmentcannotendurepermanently，halfslaveandhalffree；thatahousedividedagainstitselfcannotstand，and，asIhadexpressedit，I

didnotexpectthehousetofall，thatIdidnotexpecttheUniontobedissolved，butthatIdidexpectthatitwouldceasetobedivided，thatitwouldbecomeallonething，oralltheother；thateithertheopponentsofslaverywouldarrestthefurtherspreadofit，andplaceitwherethepublicmindwouldrestinthebeliefthatitwasinthecourseofultimateextinction，orthefriendsofslaverywillpushitforwarduntilitbecomesalikelawfulinalltheStates，oldornew，freeaswellasslave。Idid，fifteenmonthsago，expressthatopinion，anduponmanyoccasionsJudgeDouglashasdenouncedit，andhasgreatly，intentionallyorunintentionally，misrepresentedmypurposeintheexpressionofthatopinion。

Ipresume，withouthavingseenareportofhisspeech，thathedidsohere。Ipresumethathealludedalsotothatopinion，indifferentlanguage，havingbeenexpressedatasubsequenttimebyGovernorSewardofNewYork，andthathetookthetwoinalumpanddenouncedthem；thathetriedtopointoutthattherewassomethingcouchedinthisopinionwhichledtothemakingofanentireuniformityofthelocalinstitutionsofthevariousStatesoftheUnion，inutterdisregardofthedifferentStates，whichintheirnaturewouldseemtorequireavarietyofinstitutionsandavarietyoflaws，conformingtothedifferencesinthenatureofthedifferentStates。

Notonlyso：IpresumeheinsistedthatthiswasadeclarationofwarbetweenthefreeandslaveStates，thatitwasthesoundingtotheonsetofcontinualwarbetweenthedifferentStates，theslaveandfreeStates。

Thischarge，inthisform，wasmadebyJudgeDouglason，Ibelieve，the9thofJuly，1858，inChicago，inmyhearing。Onthenextevening，Imadesomereplytoit。Iinformedhimthatmanyoftheinferenceshedrewfromthatexpressionofminewerealtogetherforeigntoanypurposeentertainedbyme，andinsofarasheshouldascribetheseinferencestome，asmypurpose，hewasentirelymistaken；andinsofarashemightarguethat，whatevermightbemypurpose，actionsconformingtomyviewswouldleadtotheseresults，hemightargueandestablishifhecould；but，sofaraspurposeswereconcerned，hewastotallymistakenastome。

WhenImadethatreplytohim，Itoldhim，onthequestionofdeclaringwarbetweenthedifferentStatesoftheUnion，thatIhadnotsaidthatIdidnotexpectanypeaceuponthisquestionuntilslaverywasexterminated；thatIhadonlysaidIexpectedpeacewhenthatinstitutionwasputwherethepublicmindshouldrestinthebeliefthatitwasincourseofultimateextinction；thatIbelieved，fromtheorganizationofourgovernmentuntilaveryrecentperiodoftime，theinstitutionhadbeenplacedandcontinueduponsuchabasis；thatwehadhadcomparativepeaceuponthatquestionthroughaportionofthatperiodoftime，onlybecausethepublicmindrestedinthatbeliefinregardtoit，andthatwhenwereturnedtothatpositioninrelationtothatmatter，Isupposedweshouldagainhavepeaceaswepreviouslyhad。Iassuredhim，asInow，assureyou，thatIneitherthenhad，norhave，oreverhad，anypurposeinanywayofinterferingwiththeinstitutionofslavery，whereitexists。I

believewehavenopower，undertheConstitutionoftheUnitedStates，orratherundertheformofgovernmentunderwhichwelive，tointerferewiththeinstitutionofslavery，oranyotheroftheinstitutionsofoursisterStates，betheyfreeorslaveStates。I

declaredthen，andInowre—declare，thatIhaveaslittleinclinationtointerferewiththeinstitutionofslaverywhereitnowexists，throughtheinstrumentalityoftheGeneralGovernment，oranyotherinstrumentality，asIbelievewehavenopowertodoso。I

accidentallyusedthisexpression：IhadnopurposeofenteringintotheslaveStatestodisturbtheinstitutionofslavery。So，uponthefirstoccasionthatJudgeDouglasgotanopportunitytoreplytome，hepassedbythewholebodyofwhatIhadsaiduponthatsubject，andseizedupontheparticularexpressionofminethatIhadnopurposeofenteringintotheslaveStatestodisturbtheinstitutionofslavery。"Oh，no，"saidhe，"he[Lincoln]won’tenterintotheslaveStatestodisturbtheinstitutionofslavery，heistooprudentamantodosuchathingasthat；heonlymeansthathewillgoontothelinebetweenthefreeandslaveStates，andshootoveratthem。Thisisallhemeanstodo。Hemeanstodothemalltheharmhecan，todisturbthemallhecan，insuchawayastokeephisownhideinperfectsafety。"

Well，now，Ididnotthink，atthattime，thatthatwaseitheraverydignifiedorverylogicalargumentbutsoitwas，IhadtogetalongwithitaswellasIcould。

Ithasoccurredto—mehereto—nightthatifIeverdoshootoverthelineatthepeopleontheothersideofthelineintoaslaveState，andpurposetodoso，keepingmyskinsafe，thatIhavenowaboutthebestchanceIshalleverhave。IshouldnotwonderiftherearesomeKentuckiansaboutthisaudience——weareclosetoKentucky；andwhetherthatbesoornot，weareonelevatedground，and，byspeakingdistinctly，IshouldnotwonderifsomeoftheKentuckianswouldhearmeontheothersideoftheriver。ForthatreasonI

proposetoaddressaportionofwhatIhavetosaytotheKentuckians。

Isay，then，inthefirstplace，totheKentuckians，thatIamwhattheycall，asIunderstandit，a"BlackRepublican。"Ithinkslaveryiswrong，morallyandpolitically。Idesirethatitshouldbenofurtherspreadin——theseUnitedStates，andIshouldnotobjectifitshouldgraduallyterminateinthewholeUnion。WhileIsaythisformyself，IsaytoyouKentuckiansthatIunderstandyoudifferradicallywithmeuponthisproposition；thatyoubelieveslaveryisagoodthing；thatslaveryisright；thatitoughttobeextendedandperpetuatedinthisUnion。Now，therebeingthisbroaddifferencebetweenus，Idonotpretend，inaddressingmyselftoyouKentuckians，toattemptproselytingyou；thatwouldbeavaineffort。

Idonotenteruponit。IonlyproposetotrytoshowyouthatyououghttonominateforthenextPresidency，atCharleston，mydistinguishedfriendJudgeDouglas。Inallthatthereisadifferencebetweenyouandhim，Iunderstandheissincerelyforyou，andmorewiselyforyouthanyouareforyourselves。Iwilltrytodemonstratethatproposition。Understand，now，IsaythatIbelieveheisassincerelyforyou，andmorewiselyforyou，thanyouareforyourselves。

Whatdoyouwantmorethananythingelsetomakesuccessfulyourviewsofslavery，——toadvancetheoutspreadofit，andtosecureandperpetuatethenationalityofit？Whatdoyouwantmorethananythingelse？What——isneededabsolutely？Whatisindispensabletoyou？Why，ifImay，beallowedtoanswerthequestion，itistoretainaholdupontheNorth，itistoretainsupportandstrengthfromthefreeStates。IfyoucangetthissupportandstrengthfromthefreeStates，youcansucceed。IfyoudonotgetthissupportandthisstrengthfromthefreeStates，youareintheminority，andyouarebeatenatonce。

Ifthatpropositionbeadmitted，——anditisundeniable，——thenthenextthingIsaytoyouis，thatDouglas，ofallthemeninthisnation，istheonlymanthataffordsyouanyholduponthefreeStates；thatnoothermancangiveyouanystrengthinthefreeStates。Thisbeingso，ifyoudoubttheotherbranchoftheproposition，whetherheisforyou——whetherheisreallyforyou，asIhaveexpressedit，——Iproposeaskingyourattentionforawhiletoafewfacts。

Theissuebetweenyouandme，understand，is，thatIthinkslaveryiswrong，andoughtnottobeoutspread；andyouthinkitisright，andoughttobeextendedandperpetuated。[Avoice，"Oh，Lord！"]ThatismyKentuckianIamtalkingtonow。

InowproceedtotrytoshowyouthatDouglasisassincerelyforyouandmorewiselyforyouthanyouareforyourselves。

Inthefirstplace，weknowthatinagovernmentlikethis，inagovernmentofthepeople，wherethevoiceofallthemenofthecountry，substantially，entersintotheexecution——oradministration，rather——ofthegovernment，insuchagovernment，whatliesatthebottomofallofitispublicopinion。Ilaydowntheproposition，thatJudgeDouglasisnotonlythemanthatpromisesyouinadvanceaholdupontheNorth，andsupportintheNorth，butheconstantlymouldspublicopiniontoyourends；thatineverypossiblewayhecanheconstantlymouldsthepublicopinionoftheNorthtoyourends；

andifthereareafewthingsinwhichheseemstobeagainstyou，—

—a，fewthingswhichhesaysthatappeartobeagainstyou，andafewthatheforbearstosaywhichyouwouldliketohavehimsayyououghttorememberthatthesayingoftheone，ortheforbearingtosaytheother，wouldlosehisholdupontheNorth，and，byconsequence，wouldlosehiscapacitytoserveyou。

UponthissubjectofmouldingpublicopinionIcallyourattentiontothefact——forawellestablishedfactitis——thattheJudgeneversaysyourinstitutionofslaveryiswrong。ThereisnotapublicmanintheUnitedStates，Ibelieve，withtheexceptionofSenatorDouglas，whohasnot，atsometimeinhislife，declaredhisopinionwhetherthethingisrightorwrong；butSenatorDouglasneverdeclaresitiswrong。Heleaveshimselfatperfectlibertytodoallinyourfavorwhichhewouldbehinderedfromdoingifheweretodeclarethethingtobewrong。Onthecontrary，hetakesallthechancesthathehasforinveiglingthesentimentoftheNorth，opposedtoslavery，intoyoursupport，byneversayingitisright。

Thisyououghttosetdowntohiscredit：Yououghttogivehimfullcreditforthismuch；littlethoughitbe，incomparisontothewholewhichhedoesforyou。

Someother，thingsIwillaskyourattentionto。HesaidupontheflooroftheUnitedStatesSenate，andhehasrepeatedit，asI

understand，agreatmanytimes，thathedoesnotcarewhetherslaveryis"voteduporvoteddown。"Thisagainshowsyou，oroughttoshowyou，ifyouwouldreasonuponit，thathedoesnotbelieveittobewrong；foramanmaysaywhenheseesnothingwronginathing；thathe，duesnotcarewhetheritbevoteduporvoteddownbutnomancanlogicallysaythathecaresnotwhetherathinggoesuporgoesdownwhichtohimappearstobewrong。YouthereforehaveademonstrationinthisthattoJudgeDouglas’smindyourfavoriteinstitution，whichyouwouldhavespreadoutandmadeperpetual，isnowrong。

Anotherthinghetellsyou，inaspeechmadeatMemphisinTennessee，shortlyafterthecanvassinIllinois，lastyear。Hetheredistinctlytoldthepeoplethattherewasa"linedrawnbytheAlmightyacrossthiscontinent，ontheonesideofwhichthesoilmustalwaysbecultivatedbyslaves"；thathedidnotpretendtoknowexactlywherethatlinewas，butthattherewassuchaline。Iwanttoaskyourattentiontothatpropositionagain；thatthereisoneportionofthiscontinentwheretheAlmightyhassignedthesoilshallalwaysbecultivatedbyslaves；thatitsbeingcultivatedbyslavesatthatplaceisright；thatithasthedirectsympathyandauthorityoftheAlmighty。WheneveryoucangettheseNorthernaudiencestoadopttheopinionthatslaveryisrightontheothersideoftheOhio，wheneveryoucangetthem，inpursuanceofDouglas’sviews，toadoptthatsentiment，theywillveryreadilymaketheotherargument，whichisperfectlylogical，thatthatwhichisrightonthatsideoftheOhiocannotbewrongonthis，andthatifyouhavethatpropertyonthatsideoftheOhio，underthesealandstampoftheAlmighty，whenbyanymeansitescapesoverhereitiswrongtohaveconstitutionsandlaws"todevil"youaboutit。SoDouglasismouldingthepublicopinionoftheNorth，firsttosaythatthethingisrightinyourStateovertheOhioRiver，andhencetosaythatthatwhichisrightthereisnotwronghere，andthatalllawsandconstitutionshererecognizingitasbeingwrongarethemselveswrong，andoughttoberepealedandabrogated。Hewilltellyou，menofOhio，thatifyouchooseheretohavelawsagainstslavery，itisinconformitytotheideathatyourclimateisnotsuitedtoit，thatyourclimateisnotsuitedtoslavelabor，andthereforeyouhaveconstitutionsandlawsagainstit。

Letusattendtothatargumentforalittlewhileandseeifitbesound。Youdonotraisesugar—cane(exceptthenew—fashionedsugar—cane，andyouwon’traisethatlong)，buttheydoraiseitinLouisiana。Youdon’traiseitinOhio，becauseyoucan’traiseitprofitably，becausetheclimatedon’tsuitit。TheydoraiseitinLouisiana，becausethereitisprofitable。Now，Douglaswilltellyouthatispreciselytheslaveryquestion：thattheydohaveslavestherebecausetheyareprofitable，andyoudon’thavethemherebecausetheyarenotprofitable。Ifthatisso，thenitleadstodealingwiththeonepreciselyaswiththeother。Isthere，then，anythingintheconstitutionorlawsofOhioagainstraisingsugar—cane？Haveyoufounditnecessarytoputanysuchprovisioninyourlaw？Surelynot！Nomandesirestoraisesugar—caneinOhio，butifanymandiddesiretodoso，youwouldsayitwasatyrannicallawthatforbidshisdoingso；andwheneveryoushallagreewithDouglas，wheneveryourmindsarebroughttoadopthisargument，assurelyyouwillhavereachedtheconclusionthatalthoughitisnotprofitableinOhio，ifanymanwantsit，iswrongtohimnottolethimhaveit。

InthismatterJudgeDouglasispreparingthepublicmindforyouofKentuckytomakeperpetualthatgoodthinginyourestimation，aboutwhichyouandIdiffer。

Inthisconnection，letmeaskyourattentiontoanotherthing。I

believeitissafetoassertthatfiveyearsagonolivingmanhadexpressedtheopinionthatthenegrohadnoshareintheDeclarationofIndependence。Letmestatethatagain：fiveyearsagonolivingmanhadexpressedtheopinionthatthenegrohadnoshareintheDeclarationofIndependence。Ifthereisinthislargeaudienceanymanwhoeverknewofthatopinionbeingputuponpaperasmuchasfiveyearsago，Iwillbeobligedtohimnoworatasubsequenttimetoshowit。

IfthatbetrueIwishyouthentonotethenextfact：thatwithinthespaceoffiveyearsSenatorDouglas，intheargumentofthisquestion，hasgothisentireparty，sofarasIknow，withoutexception，insayingthatthenegrohasnoshareintheDeclarationofIndependence。IftherebenowinalltheseUnitedStatesoneDouglasmanthatdoesnotsaythis，Ihavebeenunableuponanyoccasiontoscarehimup。Now，ifnoneofyousaidthisfiveyearsago，andallofyousayitnow，thatisamatterthatyouKentuckiansoughttonote。ThatisavastchangeintheNorthernpublicsentimentuponthatquestion。

Ofwhattendencyisthatchange？Thetendencyofthatchangeistobringthepublicmindtotheconclusionthatwhenmenarespokenof，thenegroisnotmeant；thatwhennegroesarespokenof，brutesalonearecontemplated。ThatchangeinpublicsentimenthasalreadydegradedtheblackmanintheestimationofDouglasandhisfollowersfromtheconditionofamanofsomesort，andassignedhimtotheconditionofabrute。Now，youKentuckiansoughttogiveDouglascreditforthis。Thatisthelargestpossiblestridethatcanbemadeinregardtotheperpetuationofyourthingofslavery。

Avoice：SpeaktoOhiomen，andnottoKentuckians！

Mr。LINCOLN：IbegpermissiontospeakasIplease。

InKentuckyperhaps，inmanyoftheslaveStatescertainly，youaretryingtoestablishtherightfulnessofslaverybyreferencetotheBible。YouaretryingtoshowthatslaveryexistedintheBibletimesbydivineordinance。Now，Douglasiswiserthanyou，foryourownbenefit，uponthatsubject。Douglasknowsthatwheneveryouestablishthatslaverywas——rightbytheBible，itwilloccurthatthatslaverywastheslaveryofthewhiteman，ofmenwithoutreferencetocolor；andheknowsverywellthatyoumayentertainthatideainKentuckyasmuchasyouplease，butyouwillneverwinanyNorthernsupportuponit。Hemakesawiserargumentforyou：hemakestheargumentthattheslaveryoftheblackman；theslaveryofthemanwhohasaskinofadifferentcolorfromyourown，isright。

HetherebybringstoyoursupportNorthernvoterswhocouldnotforamomentbebroughtbyyourownargumentoftheBiblerightofslavery。

Willyougivehimcreditforthat？Willyounotsaythatinthismatterheismorewiselyforyouthanyouareforyourselves？

Now，havingestablishedwithhisentirepartythisdoctrine，havingbeenentirelysuccessfulinthatbranchofhiseffortsinyourbehalf，heisreadyforanother。

AtthissamemeetingatMemphishedeclaredthatinallcontestsbetweenthenegroandthewhitemanhewasforthewhiteman，butthatinallquestionsbetweenthenegroandthecrocodilehewasforthenegro。HedidnotmakethatdeclarationaccidentallyatMemphis。

HemadeitagreatmanytimesinthecanvassinIllinoislastyear(thoughIdon’tknowthatitwasreportedinanyofhisspeechesthere，buthefrequentlymadeit)。IbelieveherepeateditatColumbus，andIshouldnotwonderifberepeatedithere。Itis，then，adeliberatewayofexpressinghimselfuponthatsubject。Itisamatterofmaturedeliberationwithhimthustoexpresshimselfuponthatpointofhiscase。Itthereforerequiresdeliberateattention。

Thefirstinferenceseemstobethatifyoudonotenslavethenegro，youarewrongingthewhitemaninsomewayorother，andthatwhoeverisopposedtothenegrobeingenslaved，is，insomewayorother，againstthewhiteman。Isnotthatafalsehood？Iftherewasanecessaryconflictbetweenthewhitemanandthenegro，IshouldbeforthewhitemanasmuchasJudgeDouglas；butIsaythereisnosuchnecessaryconflict。Isaythatthereisroomenoughforusalltobefree，andthatitnotonlydoesnotwrongthewhitemanthatthenegroshouldbefree，butitpositivelywrongsthemassofthewhitementhatthenegroshouldbeenslaved；thatthemassofwhitemenarereallyinjuredbytheeffectsofslavelaborinthevicinityofthefieldsoftheirownlabor。

ButIdonotdesiretodwelluponthisbranchofthequestionmorethantosaythatthisassumptionofhisisfalse，andIdohopethatthatfallacywillnotlongprevailinthemindsofintelligentwhitemen。Atallevents，yououghttothankJudgeDouglasforit；itisforyourbenefititismade。

Theotherbranchofitis，thatinthestrugglebetweenthenegroandthecrocodile；heisforthenegro。Well，Idon’tknowthatthereisanystrugglebetweenthenegroandthecrocodile，either。Isupposethatifacrocodile(or，asweoldOhioRiverboatmenusedtocallthem，alligators)shouldcomeacrossawhiteman，hewouldkillhimifhecould；andsohewouldanegro。Butwhat，atlast，isthisproposition？Ibelieveitisasortofpropositioninproportion，whichmaybestatedthus："Asthenegroistothewhiteman，soisthecrocodiletothenegro；andasthenegromayrightfullytreatthecrocodileasabeastorreptile，sothewhitemanmayrightfullytreatthenegroasabeastorareptile。"Thatisreallythe"knip"

ofallthatargumentofhis。

Now，mybrotherKentuckians，whobelieveinthis，yououghttothankJudgeDouglasforhavingputthatinamuchmoretakingwaythananyofyourselveshavedone。

Again，Douglas’sgreatprinciple，"popularsovereignty，"ashecallsit，givesyou，bynaturalconsequence，therevivaloftheslavetradewheneveryouwantit。Ifyouquestionthis，listenawhile，considerawhilewhatIshalladvanceinsupportofthatproposition。

HesaysthatitisthesacredrightofthemanwhogoesintotheTerritoriestohaveslaveryifhewantsit。Grantthatforargument’ssake。Isitnotthesacredrightofthemanwhodon’tgothereequallytobuyslavesinAfrica，ifhewantsthem？Canyoupointoutthedifference？ThemanwhogoesintotheTerritoriesofKansasandNebraska，oranyothernewTerritory，withthesacredrightoftakingaslavetherewhichbelongstohim，wouldcertainlyhavenomorerighttotakeonetherethanIwould，whoownnoslave，butwhowoulddesiretobuyoneandtakehimthere。Youwillnotsayyou，thefriendsofJudgeDouglasbutthatthemanwhodoesnotownaslavehasanequalrighttobuyoneandtakehimtotheTerritoryastheotherdoes。

Avoice：Iwanttoaskaquestion。Don’tforeignnationsinterferewiththeslavetrade？

Mr。LINCOLN：Well！IunderstandittobeaprincipleofDemocracytowhipforeignnationswhenever，theyinterferewithus。

Voice：Ionlyaskedforinformation。IamaRepublicanmyself。

Mr。LINCOLN：YouandIwillbeonthebesttermsintheworld，butIdonotwishtobedivertedfromthepointIwastryingtopress。

IsaythatDouglas’spopularsovereignty，establishinghissacredrightinthepeople，ifyouplease，ifcarriedtoitslogicalconclusiongivesequallythesacredrighttothepeopleoftheStatesortheTerritoriesthemselvestobuyslaveswherevertheycanbuythemcheapest；andifanymancanshowadistinction，Ishouldliketohearhimtryit。IfanymancanshowhowthepeopleofKansashaveabetterrighttoslaves，becausetheywantthem，thanthepeopleofGeorgiahavetobuytheminAfrica，Iwanthimtodoit。

Ithinkitcannotbedone。Ifitis"popularsovereignty"forthepeopletohaveslavesbecausetheywantthem，itispopularsovereigntyforthemtobuytheminAfricabecausetheydesiretodoso。

IknowthatDouglashasrecentlymadealittleeffort，notseemingtonoticethathehadadifferenttheory，hasmadeanefforttogetridofthat。Hehaswrittenaletter，addressedtosomebody，Ibelieve，whoresidesinIowa，declaringhisoppositiontotherepealofthelawsthatprohibittheAfricaslavetrade。HebaseshisoppositiontosuchrepealuponthegroundthattheselawsarethemselvesoneofthecompromisesoftheConstitutionoftheUnitedStates。Now，itwouldbeveryinterestingtoseeJudgeDouglasoranyofhisfriendsturn，totheConstitutionoftheUnitedStatesandpointoutthatcompromise，toshowwherethereisanycompromiseintheConstitution，orprovisionintheConstitution；expressorimplied，bywhichtheadministratorsofthatConstitutionareunderanyobligationtorepealtheAfricanslavetrade。Iknow，oratleastI

thinkIknow，thattheframersofthatConstitutiondidexpecttheAfricanslavetradewouldbeabolishedattheendoftwentyyears，towhichtimetheirprohibitionagainstitsbeingabolishedextended。

thereisabundantcontemporaneoushistorytoshowthattheframersoftheConstitutionexpectedittobeabolished。Butwhiletheysoexpected，theygavenothingforthatexpectation，andtheyputnoprovisionintheConstitutionrequiringitshouldbesoabolished。

ThemigrationorimportationofsuchpersonsastheStatesshallseefittoadmitshallnotbeprohibited，butacertaintaxmightbelevieduponsuchimportation。Butwhatwastobedoneafterthattime？TheConstitutionisassilentaboutthatasitissilent，personally，aboutmyself。Thereisabsolutelynothinginitaboutthatsubject；thereisonlytheexpectationoftheframersoftheConstitutionthattheslavetradewouldbeabolishedattheendofthattime；andtheyexpecteditwouldbeabolished，owingtopublicsentiment，beforethattime；andtheputthatprovisionin，inorderthatitshouldnotbeabolishedbeforethattime，forreasonswhichI

supposetheythoughttobesoundones，butwhichIwillnotnowtrytoenumeratebeforeyou。

Butwhile，theyexpectedtheslavetradewouldbeabolishedatthattime，theyexpectedthatthespreadofslaveryintothenewTerritoriesshouldalsoberestricted。ItisaseasytoprovethattheframersoftheConstitutionoftheUnitedStatesexpectedthatslaveryshouldbeprohibitedfromextendingintothenewTerritories，asitistoprovethatitwasexpectedthattheslavetradeshouldbeabolished。Boththesethingswereexpected。Onewasnomoreexpectedthantheother，andonewasnomoreacompromiseoftheConstitutionthantheother。TherewasnothingsaidintheConstitutioninregardtothespreadofslaveryintotheTerritory。

Igrantthat；buttherewassomethingveryimportantsaidaboutitbythesamegenerationofmenintheadoptionoftheoldOrdinanceof’87，throughtheinfluenceofwhichyouhereinOhio，ourneighborsinIndiana，weinIllinois，ourneighborsinMichiganandWisconsin，arehappy，prosperous，teemingmillionsoffreemen。Thatgenerationofmen，thoughnottothefullextentmembersoftheconventionthatframedtheConstitution，weretosomeextentmembersofthatconvention，holdingseatsatthesametimeinonebodyandtheother，sothatiftherewasanycompromiseoneitherofthesesubjects，thestrongevidenceisthatthatcompromisewasinfavoroftherestrictionofslaveryfromthenewTerritories。

ButDouglassaysthatheisunalterablyopposedtotherepealofthoselawsbecause，inhisview，itisacompromiseoftheConstitution。YouKentuckians，nodoubt，aresomewhatoffendedwiththat。Yououghtnottobe！Yououghttobepatient！Yououghttoknowthatifhesaidlessthanthat，hewouldlosethepowerof"lugging"theNorthernStatestoyoursupport。Really，whatyouwouldpushhimtodowouldtakefromhimhisentirepowertoserveyou。Andyououghttorememberhowlong，byprecedent，JudgeDouglasholdshimselfobligedtostickbycompromises。YououghttorememberthatbythetimeyouyourselvesthinkyouarereadytoinauguratemeasuresfortherevivaloftheAfricanslavetrade，thatsufficienttimewillhavearrived，byprecedent，forJudgeDouglastobreakthrough，thatcompromise。Hesaysnownothingmorestrongthanhesaidin1849whenhedeclaredinfavorofMissouriCompromise，——andpreciselyfouryearsandaquarterafterhedeclaredthatCompromisetobeasacredthing，which"noruthlesshandwouldeverdazetotouch，"hehimselfbroughtforwardthemeasureruthlesslytodestroyit。ByamerecalculationoftimeitwillonlybefouryearsmoreuntilheisreadytotakebackhisprofessionaboutthesacrednessoftheCompromiseabolishingtheslavetrade。Preciselyassoonasyouarereadytohavehisservicesinthatdirection，byfaircalculation，youmaybesureofhavingthem。

ButyourememberandsetdowntoJudgeDouglas’sdebt，ordiscredit，thathe，lastyear，saidthepeopleofTerritoriescan，inspiteoftheDredScottdecision，excludeyourslavesfromthoseTerritories；

thathedeclared，by"unfriendlylegislation"theextensionofyourpropertyintothenewTerritoriesmaybecutoff，intheteethofthedecisionoftheSupremeCourtoftheUnitedStates。

HeassumedthatpositionatFreeportonthe27thofAugust，1858。HesaidthatthepeopleoftheTerritoriescanexcludeslavery，insomanywords：Youought，however，tobearinmindthathehasneversaiditsince。Youmayhuntineveryspeechthathehassincemade，andhehasneverusedthatexpressiononce。Hehasneverseemedtonoticethatheisstatinghisviewsdifferentlyfromwhathedidthen；butbysomesortofaccident，hehasalwaysreallystateditdifferently。Hehasalwayssincethendeclaredthat"theConstitutiondoesnotcarryslaveryintotheTerritoriesoftheUnitedStatesbeyondthepowerofthepeoplelegallytocontrolit，asotherproperty。"Now，thereisadifferenceinthelanguageuseduponthatformeroccasionandinthislatterday。Theremayormaynotbeadifferenceinthemeaning，butitisworthwhileconsideringwhetherthereisnotalsoadifferenceinmeaning。